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The changing socio-economic profile of our legislators does not augur well for the health of Indian democracy. Comment. (UPSC CSE Mains 2019 - Political Science and International Relations, Paper 1).
Parliament is a mirror of the society, which being a representative institution reflects nature of society, its economic and social structures, and level and direction of change in societal relations. As per Edmund Burke, Parliament is a microcosm of society. In democracies, it is assumed that circulation of elites takes place. In Indian context also, changing profile of parliament can be analyzed in the light of theory of circulation of elites.
During the first two decades after independence, the power was consolidated in the ‘identifiable power center’(Rajni Kothari), which was a continuation of the legacy of the national movement, comprising the homogenous political elite sharing the common socio-economic background i.e. educated, urban, upper caste belonging mainly to upper and middle classes.
Late ‘60s and early ‘70s saw the major change with the emergence of two phenomenon: political mobilization of the masses and emergence of the new political class. First, electoral politics based on the universal adult franchise mobilized and increased the political consciousness of the masses, especially those belonging to backward and lower castes. Second, in the backdrop of land reforms and green revolution, the new proprietary peasant class emerged in rural India i.e. bullock capitalists, demanding their share in the political pie. It consisted mainly “intermediate castes”(Rudolph & Rudolph). Rural elites replaced urban elites. Middle class replaced upper class. Lawyers and teachers were replaced with agriculturists. This phenomenon was known as ‘Ruralisation of Indian parliament’. This period also saw the new trend of giving refuge to lost candidates in the Rajya sabha, affecting its repute, and criminals was also started getting rewarded with Rajya sabha seats rising criminalisaton of politics.
‘70s and ‘80s saw the emergence of professional politicians, as per M P Singh and Sunil Khilnani. Indira Gandhi’s push to youth politics and involvement of students in JP movement can be considered reason for this, attracting youths towards politics in their formative years resulting in full time politicians.
Another change took place in 1989 with ‘regionalisation and federalization’ of Indian politics. Regional parties came to dominate the parliament. OBC’s formed the major constituents in parliament. Presence of persons with criminal background also increased. By 1990s dalits also became important factor.
In contemporary context, composition represents complex character having persons with almost all backgrounds, classes, castes, interests. However, in one context i.e. representation of women haven’t changed much. The number of women has gone up, but they are still under-represented. OBC representation has risen since 2009, but is still not enough. The rich, educated and professional elite continue to overwhelm businessmen, farmers and social workers.
There has also been a decline in the conduct of parliamentarians, where recently a MP used pepper spray to obstruct the parliament, obstruction and protesting in the well of the house has become a common phenomenon nowadays.
Thus, in conclusion one can say that though representation of different sections has increased but the performance has sharply fallen, There is need to support women representation in the parliament and more authoritative speaker/chairman so to maintain the decorum and respect of the heart of Indian democracy.