UPSC CSE Mains 2026

Political Science & International Relations (PSIR) – Paper I

Time Allowed: 3 Hours | Maximum Marks: 250

SECTION A

Q1. Write on the following in about 150 words each: (10 × 5 = 50)

1(a). Resurgence of political theory.

1(b). Post-colonial theory of State.

1(c). “The freedom of the pike is death to the minnows.”

1(d). Legitimacy is always a ‘social construct’.

1(e). Herbert Marcuse turned Freudianism on its head in his critical theory.

Q2.

2(a). “Rights of the man are separate and independent of the State.” Critically analyze the perspective of Laski. (20)

2(b). “Fortune favours the brave.” In the light of this statement, discuss Machiavelli’s concepts of ‘virtue’ and ‘fortune’. (15)

2(c). Discuss B. R. Ambedkar’s views on democracy and State socialism. (15)

Q3.

3(a). Mill’s thought was crucial to the development of liberalism, because it straddled the divide between classical and modern theories. Analyze. (20)

3(b). Wollstonecraft developed first systematic feminist critique. Discuss her main ideas. (15)

3(c). Discuss Gandhi’s approach to property in relation to trusteeship. (15)

Q4.

4(a). “Representative democracy is not an absolute principle, rather a question of time, place and circumstances.” Analyze the statement. Mention the major challenges to representative democracy. (20)

4(b). What is capability approach? Elaborate the distinctive features of the capability theory of equality. (15)

4(c). Analyze Kautilya’s Saptanga theory. How do you explain its significance in present-day politics? (15)

SECTION B

Q5. Write on the following in about 150 words each: (10 × 5 = 50)

5(a). How did Swadeshi grow into a demand for Swaraj?

5(b). The Constitution of India was secular even before the word was included in the Preamble. Comment.

5(c). Identity has become an important phenomenon in the modern politics in India. Discuss.

5(d). Ending proxy leadership in Panchayati Raj is a necessary step towards true grassroots democracy. Comment.

5(e). Discuss the impact of liberalization on agriculture sector in India.

Q6.

6(a). From passive resistors to armed revolutionaries, the Indian Freedom Struggle has a distinct imprint of different forms of fighting. Elucidate. (20)

6(b). When there are multiple stakeholders of power, conversation and consensus become the natural ingredients of governance. Analyze with respect to coalition politics. (15)

6(c). Elucidate the Centre-State relation with reference to Article 293 and analyze its implications for the Indian federal structure. (15)

Q7.

7(a). Elucidate the prominent trends in voting behaviour in contemporary India, and discuss how astroturfing affects the scenario. (20)

7(b). Highlight any five constitutional provisions that restrain the powers of the executive and evaluate their effectiveness in current times. (15)

7(c). Map the different types of ethnic conflicts that have emerged in the 21st century India. (15)

Q8.

8(a). Discuss the causes and consequences of inter-State water disputes in India. (20)

8(b). Critically comment on the shifts in the functioning of the Indian Parliament in the last two decades. (15)

8(c). “The lack of political will in preventing environmental degradation is one of the major challenges that India is experiencing.” Comment. (15)

 

 

UPSC CSE Mains 2026

Political Science & International Relations (PSIR) – Paper I

Solved - Answers

 

SECTION A

Q1. Write short notes in about 150 words

1(a). Resurgence of political theory

The resurgence of political theory refers to the revival of normative and philosophical inquiry after the dominance of behaviouralism in the mid-20th century.

Behaviouralists such as David Easton emphasized observable political behaviour and sought to make Political Science more scientific and value-neutral. Consequently, traditional political theory was considered speculative and unscientific.

However, the behavioural approach failed to answer fundamental normative questions such as What is justice? What should the State do? What is a good society?

The post-behavioural revolution, associated with Easton himself, therefore emphasized “relevance and action” over excessive methodological rigour.

The publication of John Rawls’ A Theory of Justice (1971) became a major turning point. His concept of Justice as Fairness revived systematic normative political philosophy.

The rise of feminism, multiculturalism, environmentalism, post-colonialism and critical theory further expanded the scope of political theory.

In India, debates on social justice, affirmative action, secularism, citizenship and environmental justice demonstrate its continuing relevance.

Thus, political theory resurged because empirical facts can explain what politics is, but normative theory asks what politics ought to be.

 

1(b). Post-colonial theory of State

 Post-colonial theory of the State examines how the institutions and power structures created during colonial rule continue to shape political life even after formal independence. It challenges the Eurocentric assumption that the Western model of the modern State is universally applicable.

Frantz Fanon viewed the colonial State as an instrument of racial domination and coercion. He warned that after independence, the national bourgeoisie could replace colonial rulers without fundamentally transforming colonial structures.

Hamza Alavi, through his theory of the Post-Colonial State, argued that the State in post-colonial societies enjoys relative autonomy from dominant social classes. Unlike the classical Marxist State, it mediates between three competing classes—indigenous bourgeoisie, metropolitan bourgeoisie and landed classes.

Alavi also highlighted the overdeveloped State, where the colonial bureaucracy and military were disproportionately strong compared to indigenous civil society and the bourgeoisie. This helps explain the persistence of bureaucratic dominance and centralized authority in many post-colonial States.

Another useful concept is Fred W. Riggs' “Prismatic Society”, characterized by heterogeneity, overlapping structures and formalism. Modern institutions coexist with traditional social practices, producing what Riggs called a prismatic administrative system.

In the Indian context, institutions such as the centralized bureaucracy, police and legal framework reveal elements of colonial institutional continuity, while caste, kinship and informal networks continue to influence modern governance.

Partha Chatterjee's distinction between “civil society” and “political society” further explains how marginalized groups often negotiate with the post-colonial State outside the formal framework of liberal citizenship.

Thus, the post-colonial State is characterized by colonial continuity, overdeveloped bureaucracy, relative autonomy, institutional hybridity and uneven citizenship.

 

1(c). “The freedom of the pike is death to the minnows.”

The statement, associated with R. H. Tawney, is a critique of unrestricted negative liberty.

It means that unlimited freedom for the powerful (the pike) can destroy the freedom and survival of weaker sections (the minnows).

The statement challenges the classical liberal understanding of liberty as merely the absence of State interference.

Isaiah Berlin's negative liberty focuses on freedom from external restrictions. However, such freedom may be unequal when society has vast differences in economic and social power.

Modern liberals such as T. H. Green emphasized positive liberty—the real capacity of individuals to develop their personality.

For example, complete freedom of contract may benefit employers but expose workers to exploitation due to unequal bargaining power.

In India, minimum wages, labour welfare laws, affirmative action and social security programmes attempt to ensure substantive freedom.

Thus, Tawney highlights the relationship between liberty and equality: liberty without social justice can become merely the privilege of the powerful.

 

1(d). Legitimacy is always a ‘social construct’.

Legitimacy refers to the belief that political authority possesses a right to rule.

Calling legitimacy a social construct means that it depends upon socially shared beliefs rather than existing naturally or permanently.

Max Weber explained legitimacy through three ideal types: traditional, charismatic and legal-rational authority.

Therefore, the same political institution may be legitimate in one social context but questioned in another.

Antonio Gramsci's concept of hegemony further shows that political power is sustained not merely through coercion but also through consent.

In a democracy, elections provide an important source of procedural legitimacy. However, legitimacy also depends upon public trust, constitutional values and governmental performance.

In India, movements around citizenship, corruption, farmers' issues and social justice demonstrate that legitimacy is constantly negotiated in the public sphere.

Thus, legitimacy is not merely a legal status. It is a dynamic relationship between authority, consent and social acceptance.

 

1(e). Herbert Marcuse turned Freudianism on its head in his critical theory.

Herbert Marcuse, a leading Frankfurt School thinker, combined Marxism with Freud to explain domination in modern capitalism.

Freud explained personality through the Id, Ego and Superego. The Id seeks pleasure, the Ego balances desire with reality, and the Superego represents social norms. For Freud, human beings possess instinctive desires represented mainly by the Id. These desires seek immediate pleasure. Freud argued that repression of instincts is necessary for civilisation.

Marcuse’s central critique was that not all repression is necessary. In Eros and Civilization, he distinguished basic repression, required for social life, from surplus repression, imposed by particular social systems to maintain domination.

He argued that capitalism goes further by controlling desires themselves. Through advertising, consumerism and mass culture, it creates “false needs”, making people desire what the system produces. This creates the “one-dimensional man”, who accepts the existing order and struggles to imagine alternatives.

Thus, Marcuse politicised Freud: domination works not only through economic control, but through desire, consciousness and culture.

 

Q2(a). “Rights of the man are separate and independent of the State.” Critically analyze the perspective of Laski. (20 marks)

Harold J. Laski rejected the idea that rights are merely gifts created by the State. His theory represents a critique of legal positivism and State absolutism.

According to Laski, rights are the conditions necessary for individuals to develop their personality.

He defined rights as:

“Those conditions of social life without which no man can seek, in general, to be himself at his best.”

Thus, rights have a social and moral basis. The State does not arbitrarily create them; rather, it recognizes conditions essential for human development.

Laski's theory was also connected with his pluralist theory of sovereignty. He rejected the Austinian idea of an absolutely sovereign State.

Individuals belong to several associations—families, trade unions, religious groups and professional organizations. Therefore, the State cannot claim exclusive moral authority.

However, Laski does not imply that the State is irrelevant to rights. Rights require institutional guarantees for effective realization.

For example, the right to equality becomes meaningful only when supported by laws, courts and administrative institutions.

In India, Fundamental Rights are constitutionally guaranteed, while judicial interpretation under Article 21 has expanded rights relating to dignity, livelihood and privacy.

Therefore, rights may be morally prior to the State, but their practical realization requires an effective democratic State.

Thus, Laski successfully limits State absolutism while recognizing that substantive rights require social and institutional protection.

 

Q2(b). “Fortune favours the brave.” Discuss Machiavelli’s concepts of ‘virtù’ and ‘fortuna’. (15 marks)

The statement captures the central relationship between virtù and fortuna in Machiavelli's political realism.

For Machiavelli, virtù does not mean conventional moral virtue. It refers to political qualities such as courage, boldness, prudence and strategic intelligence.

A ruler possessing virtù is capable of adapting to changing political circumstances and taking decisive action.

Fortuna, on the other hand, represents chance, contingency and unpredictable historical circumstances.

Machiavelli famously compared fortune to a flood. Human beings cannot prevent all floods, but wise rulers can construct institutional safeguards beforehand.

Thus, political success is neither entirely determined by luck nor entirely controlled by human beings.

Virtù enables political actors to seize opportunities created by fortuna.

The phrase “fortune favours the brave” therefore reflects Machiavelli's emphasis on political agency and decisiveness.

In contemporary politics, pandemics, economic crises and geopolitical conflicts may represent fortuna, while institutional preparedness and leadership represent virtù.

Thus, Machiavelli's political philosophy combines contingency with human agency: wise political leadership cannot control destiny completely, but it can shape and exploit circumstances.

 

Q2(c). Discuss B. R. Ambedkar’s views on democracy and State socialism. (15 marks)

For B. R. Ambedkar, democracy was much more than periodic elections. It was a mode of associated living based on liberty, equality and fraternity.

Ambedkar argued that political democracy cannot survive without social democracy.

He was deeply concerned about the contradiction between political equality under the Constitution and social-economic inequality in Indian society.

His democratic thought emphasized constitutional morality, the rule of law, individual liberty and protection of minorities.

He also warned against hero-worship, believing that excessive devotion to political leaders could destroy democratic institutions.

Ambedkar's economic vision included State socialism, particularly expressed in States and Minorities (1947).

He advocated State ownership of key industries, economic planning and measures to prevent the concentration of wealth.

However, unlike orthodox Marxists, Ambedkar did not support violent revolution or dictatorship.

His socialism was therefore a form of constitutional socialism, combining economic equality with parliamentary democracy and Fundamental Rights.

In contemporary India, debates on caste inequality, welfare and economic concentration continue to validate Ambedkar's concern for substantive democracy.

Thus, Ambedkar sought to combine liberal constitutionalism with social and economic justice.

 

Q3(a). Mill’s thought was crucial to the development of liberalism, because it straddled the divide between classical and modern theories. Analyze. (20 marks)

1. S. Mill occupies a transitional position between classical and modern liberalism.

He retained the classical liberal emphasis on individual liberty and limited government while also anticipating modern liberal concerns for social reform and human development.

Mill's classical liberalism is visible in his defence of individual autonomy and freedom of expression.

His famous Harm Principle states that power may be exercised over an individual only to prevent harm to others.

In On Liberty, Mill defended freedom of expression because even an unpopular opinion may contain truth.

However, Mill moved beyond strict laissez-faire individualism.

He recognized that liberty should promote individuality and self-development, thereby anticipating the modern liberal idea of positive freedom.

Mill also supported women's equality in The Subjection of Women, making him an important precursor of liberal feminism.

He supported education and certain forms of State intervention to promote individual development.

Thus, while classical liberalism focused primarily on freedom from State interference, Mill increasingly recognized the social conditions necessary for meaningful freedom.

In contemporary India, debates on free speech, personal liberty, gender equality and State welfare reflect this tension.

Therefore, Mill is a bridge figure: he transformed liberalism from a doctrine of mere non-interference into a philosophy of individual development and social progress.

 

Q3(b). Wollstonecraft developed the first systematic feminist critique. Discuss her main ideas. (15 marks)

Mary Wollstonecraft, through A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), developed one of the earliest systematic critiques of patriarchy.

Her thought laid the foundations of liberal feminism.

Wollstonecraft rejected the belief that women were naturally inferior to men.

She argued that women's apparent weakness was largely produced by social conditioning and unequal education.

Therefore, gender inequality was not natural but socially constructed.

Influenced by Enlightenment ideas, she emphasized reason and rationality.

Women should receive equal education because they are rational human beings capable of moral and political judgment.

She strongly criticized Rousseau's gendered theory of education, which assigned women a subordinate role.

Wollstonecraft also argued that the language of liberty and equality must apply to women.

A political system claiming universal rights while excluding women was fundamentally contradictory.

In India, her arguments remain relevant to gendered education, labour-force participation and political representation.

The movement towards greater women's representation reflects the transition from formal equality towards substantive gender justice.

Thus, Wollstonecraft exposed the gendered limitations of Enlightenment liberalism and transformed women into subjects of equal citizenship.

 

Q3(c). Discuss Gandhi’s approach to property in relation to trusteeship. (15 marks)

Mahatma Gandhi's theory of trusteeship was his attempt to reconcile property with social justice and non-violence.

Gandhi did not completely reject private property. However, he rejected the idea that wealth could be used purely for private selfish interests.

According to trusteeship, wealthy individuals should consider themselves trustees of surplus wealth for society.

The theory was rooted in Gandhi's principles of Ahimsa, Aparigraha, Sarvodaya and Antyodaya.

Aparigraha emphasized non-possession, while Sarvodaya represented the welfare of all.

Gandhi criticized capitalism for producing exploitation and concentration of wealth.

However, he also rejected violent Marxist class revolution.

Trusteeship therefore represented a non-violent alternative to class conflict.

In contemporary India, the concept can be connected with Corporate Social Responsibility, ethical business and philanthropy.

However, critics argue that voluntary trusteeship cannot adequately address structural economic inequality.

It depends excessively upon the moral transformation of wealthy individuals.

Thus, Gandhi's trusteeship represents the moralization of property and remains an important critique of unrestricted capitalism.

 

Q4(a). “Representative democracy is not an absolute principle, rather a question of time, place and circumstances.” Analyze. Mention the major challenges to representative democracy. (20 marks)

Representative democracy is based on the principle that citizens govern through elected representatives.

However, representation is not an absolute institutional formula. Its form depends upon historical conditions, social structure and political circumstances.

The representative model emerged because direct democracy became difficult in large and complex modern States.

Thinkers such as J. S. Mill defended representation as a way of combining popular participation with efficient governance.

However, different societies require different institutional mechanisms.

India, for example, combines representative democracy with institutions of participatory democracy, such as Gram Sabhas and Panchayati Raj.

Major challenges

Crisis of representation: Citizens increasingly believe that elected representatives are disconnected from ordinary people.

Money power: Unequal financial resources can distort political competition and create unequal access to power.

Identity politics: Representation may become dominated by caste, religion and ethnic mobilization.

Populism: Complex policy questions are reduced to emotionally appealing slogans.

Digital manipulation: Social media, misinformation and astroturfing can manufacture artificial public opinion.

Party centralization: Strong party leadership and rigid discipline may weaken independent legislative representation.

Thus, representative democracy must continuously adapt to changing circumstances.

The future lies in combining representation with participation, deliberation and accountability.

 

Q4(b). What is capability approach? Elaborate the distinctive features of the capability theory of equality. (15 marks)

The Capability Approach, primarily developed by Amartya Sen, evaluates equality in terms of people's real freedoms.

Sen distinguishes between functionings and capabilities.

Functionings are actual achievements, such as being educated or healthy.

Capabilities refer to the genuine opportunities or freedoms to achieve these valuable functionings.

The first distinctive feature is that the approach goes beyond income equality.

Two individuals with the same income may have different abilities to convert resources into well-being.

For example, a person with a disability may require additional resources to achieve the same mobility.

Second, it emphasizes substantive freedom rather than formal equality.

Providing school admission does not guarantee educational equality if poverty or malnutrition prevents attendance.

Third, Sen recognizes human diversity and conversion factors.

Personal, social and environmental conditions influence how resources become capabilities.

Fourth, equality is multidimensional, including health, education, dignity and political participation.

In India, welfare measures relating to nutrition, education and health can be understood as attempts to expand citizens' capability sets.

Thus, the capability approach asks a fundamental question: What are people actually able to do and be?

 

Q4(c). Analyze Kautilya’s Saptanga theory. Explain its significance in present-day politics. (15 marks)

Kautilya's Saptanga theory, found in the Arthashastra, views the State as an organic system consisting of seven interconnected limbs.

These are Swamin (ruler), Amatya (officials), Janapada (territory and population), Durga (fortification), Kosa (treasury), Danda/Bala (coercive power) and Mitra (allies).

Swamin represents political leadership. In modern democracy, this can be understood as constitutional political authority.

Amatya highlights the importance of bureaucracy and administrative capacity.

Janapada represents the territory, people and productive economic base of the State.

Durga can be interpreted today as strategic infrastructure and national security.

Kosa emphasizes fiscal strength and the importance of State capacity.

Danda represents coercive power and can be linked with Max Weber's monopoly over legitimate violence.

Mitra highlights the importance of diplomacy and strategic partnerships.

In contemporary India, economic capacity, border security, institutional effectiveness and international partnerships remain essential components of national power.

Thus, Kautilya provides a holistic theory of State capacity, where political power depends upon the effective functioning of interconnected institutions.

 

SECTION B

Q5(a). How did Swadeshi grow into a demand for Swaraj?

The Swadeshi Movement, which emerged after the Partition of Bengal in 1905, initially focused on economic boycott and the promotion of indigenous goods.

It encouraged the boycott of foreign products and the development of Indian industries.

However, Swadeshi gradually produced a broader political consciousness.

Nationalists increasingly realized that economic dependence was closely connected with political subordination.

Leaders such as Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal and Aurobindo Ghosh transformed Swadeshi into a more assertive nationalist programme.

The movement expanded into national education, boycott and passive resistance.

Thus, Swadeshi evolved through the chain:

Economic self-reliance → Political consciousness → Nationalism → Swaraj

Later, Gandhi expanded the idea through Khadi, village industries and constructive programmes.

For Gandhi, Swadeshi was not merely economic nationalism but also a means of political and moral self-reliance.

Thus, the movement demonstrated that genuine economic autonomy was difficult under colonial rule without political self-government.

Swadeshi therefore became an important ideological foundation for the demand for Swaraj.

 

Q5(b). The Constitution of India was secular even before the word was included in the Preamble. Comment.

The word “Secular” was formally inserted into the Preamble through the 42nd Constitutional Amendment, 1976.

However, the Indian Constitution was substantively secular from its very inception.

The Constitution established equal citizenship and rejected the idea of an official State religion.

Article 14 guarantees equality before law, while Article 15 prohibits discrimination on religious grounds.

Articles 25–28 guarantee religious freedom.

Articles 29 and 30 protect the cultural and educational rights of minorities.

Indian secularism differs from the Western doctrine of strict separation between religion and State.

It is better understood through Rajeev Bhargava's concept of “principled distance”, where the State may maintain distance from religion while also intervening for social reform and equality.

The Supreme Court, particularly in the S. R. Bommai judgment, recognized secularism as part of the Basic Structure.

Thus, the 42nd Amendment did not create secularism.

It merely gave explicit constitutional expression to a principle already embedded in Fundamental Rights, minority protections and equal citizenship.

 

Q5(c). Identity has become an important phenomenon in modern politics in India. Discuss.

Identity politics refers to political mobilization based on shared identities such as caste, religion, language, ethnicity and gender.

In India, identity has become increasingly important because marginalized groups seek recognition, representation and redistribution.

Charles Taylor's politics of recognition helps explain why communities demand public recognition of their identity.

Nancy Fraser further connects recognition with redistribution, showing that cultural equality and economic justice are interconnected.

Caste-based mobilization has expanded political representation for Dalits and OBCs.

Regional identities have strengthened federalism and contributed to demands for political autonomy.

Religious identity also continues to influence political mobilization and debates on secularism and citizenship.

Identity politics has a democratic dimension because previously marginalized communities gain political voice.

However, excessive identity mobilization can produce communal polarization, vote-bank politics and fragmentation.

The challenge for Indian democracy is to reconcile particular identities with a broader framework of constitutional citizenship.

Thus, identity politics represents both democratization and fragmentation in contemporary India.

 

Q5(d). Ending proxy leadership in Panchayati Raj is necessary for true grassroots democracy. Comment.

Proxy leadership occurs when an elected representative formally holds office but real power is exercised by another person.

In India, this is often associated with the phenomenon of the “Sarpanch Pati”, where male family members exercise authority on behalf of elected women representatives.

This weakens the objective of democratic decentralization.

Reservation may produce descriptive representation, but proxy leadership prevents genuine substantive representation.

The problem emerges from patriarchal norms, economic dependence and lack of political experience.

Local elite domination can also weaken the autonomy of elected representatives.

The reservation of women in Panchayati Raj Institutions has undoubtedly increased political participation.

However, numerical representation alone cannot guarantee political empowerment.

Capacity-building, training and financial autonomy are essential.

Stronger Gram Sabhas can also improve accountability and participatory democracy.

Ending proxy leadership is therefore essential to transform formal decentralization into substantive decentralization.

True grassroots democracy requires elected representatives to exercise genuine and autonomous political authority.

 

Q5(e). Discuss the impact of liberalization on agriculture sector in India.

The economic reforms of 1991 increased the integration of Indian agriculture with markets and global economic processes.

One positive impact was the growth of commercial and high-value agriculture.

Horticulture, food processing and export-oriented agriculture received greater market opportunities.

Liberalization also encouraged technological modernization and private investment in agricultural supply chains.

However, the benefits were uneven.

Large and market-connected farmers were generally better positioned to benefit than small and marginal farmers.

Greater market integration also exposed farmers to price volatility.

Rising costs of seeds, fertilizers and other inputs contributed to agrarian distress and indebtedness.

This reflects the tension between market efficiency and social protection.

Contemporary debates around agricultural reforms and farmer movements have highlighted concerns about corporate concentration, MSP and unequal bargaining power.

Thus, liberalization transformed agriculture from a largely State-supported sector towards greater market integration.

The key challenge is to balance market efficiency with farmer welfare, food security and agrarian equity.

 

Q6(a). From passive resistors to armed revolutionaries, the Indian Freedom Struggle has a distinct imprint of different forms of fighting. Elucidate. (20 marks)

The Indian Freedom Struggle was characterized by a remarkable plurality of resistance strategies.

It ranged from constitutional petitions and passive resistance to mass civil disobedience and armed revolution.

The early Moderates, such as Dadabhai Naoroji and Gopal Krishna Gokhale, relied on petitions, legislative reforms and constitutional methods.

Their approach represented constitutional nationalism.

The Swadeshi movement introduced more assertive techniques such as boycott, national education and passive resistance.

Leaders such as Tilak and Bipin Chandra Pal expanded mass political mobilization.

Revolutionary groups adopted armed resistance against colonial rule.

Organizations such as the HSRA produced leaders like Bhagat Singh and Chandrashekhar Azad.

Gandhi subsequently transformed the national movement through Satyagraha and Ahimsa.

The Non-Cooperation, Civil Disobedience and Quit India Movements created unprecedented mass participation.

The struggle also included tribal, peasant and subaltern resistance, often operating outside elite nationalist politics.

Finally, Subhas Chandra Bose and the INA represented an organized military challenge to colonial authority.

Thus, India's freedom struggle was a multi-dimensional repertoire of resistance.

Its strength lay in strategic diversity, united broadly by the objective of Swaraj.

 

Q6(b). When there are multiple stakeholders of power, conversation and consensus become natural ingredients of governance. Analyze with respect to coalition politics.

Coalition politics emerges when no single political party has sufficient power to govern independently.

It transforms governance from majoritarian command into a process of negotiation and accommodation.

Coalition partners represent different regions, social groups and ideological positions.

Therefore, policymaking requires dialogue, bargaining and consensus-building.

This resembles Arend Lijphart's idea of consensus democracy, where political power is shared among multiple actors.

Coalition politics can broaden political representation.

Regional parties, for instance, gain influence in national policymaking.

It can also strengthen India's federal character by giving greater political voice to States.

Coalitions may also prevent excessive concentration of political power.

However, coalition politics can produce instability and opportunistic alliances.

Governments may prioritize short-term political bargaining over coherent long-term policy.

The Common Minimum Programme becomes an important instrument for managing ideological diversity.

India's coalition era demonstrated that a socially diverse country often requires political accommodation.

Thus, coalition politics institutionalizes the principle that democratic governance in plural societies requires conversation, consensus and negotiated power-sharing.

 

Q6(c). Elucidate Centre-State relations with reference to Article 293 and analyze its implications for Indian federal structure.

Article 293 deals with the borrowing powers of State governments and is an important element of India's fiscal federalism.

States may borrow within India upon the security of their Consolidated Funds.

However, when a State has outstanding loans owed to the Union, Central consent may become necessary for further borrowing.

The Union can also impose conditions while granting such consent.

This creates a tension between State fiscal autonomy and macroeconomic discipline.

From the Union's perspective, borrowing restrictions may be necessary to maintain national fiscal stability.

However, States may view excessive restrictions as an infringement upon their development priorities.

This reflects India's broader problem of vertical fiscal imbalance, where States have major expenditure responsibilities but relatively limited revenue autonomy.

Contemporary disputes over borrowing limits have therefore become important debates on cooperative federalism.

Article 293 demonstrates that Indian federalism is constitutionally federal but institutionally characterized by a relatively strong Centre.

Thus, the challenge is to balance fiscal prudence with meaningful State autonomy, strengthening both macroeconomic stability and cooperative federalism.

 

Q7(a). Elucidate prominent trends in voting behaviour in contemporary India, and discuss how astroturfing affects the scenario. (20 marks)

Voting behaviour in contemporary India is influenced by a complex combination of identity, welfare, leadership and political communication.

One major trend is the continued importance of caste, religion and regional identity.

However, voting behaviour is no longer determined by identity alone.

The rise of welfare politics has created what may be called beneficiary-based political support.

Direct delivery of welfare benefits increasingly shapes electoral perceptions.

Another trend is leadership-centric politics and the growing presidentialization of parliamentary elections.

Political campaigns often focus strongly on the image and personality of leaders.

Gender is also emerging as an important electoral dimension, with increasing attention to women voters and gender-oriented welfare policies.

Digital media has transformed political communication through micro-targeting, data analytics and influencer networks.

Astroturfing

Astroturfing refers to the artificial creation of an appearance of genuine grassroots support.

Unlike authentic grassroots mobilization, astroturfing is often organized from the top down.

Coordinated online campaigns can manufacture perceptions of public opinion.

This may produce a bandwagon effect, where citizens support views they believe are widely popular.

Astroturfing can also influence agenda-setting by artificially amplifying particular issues.

It may increase political polarization and weaken deliberative democracy.

In India, the expanding digital public sphere makes citizens increasingly vulnerable to coordinated misinformation and artificial amplification.

Thus, contemporary voting behaviour represents an interaction of identity + welfare + leadership + digital communication.

Astroturfing threatens electoral integrity by replacing genuine public opinion with manufactured consent.

 

Q7(b). Highlight any five constitutional provisions that restrain executive power and evaluate their effectiveness.

The Indian Constitution establishes a system of limited government and constitutional checks and balances.

Parliamentary accountability

Under Articles 75 and 164, the Council of Ministers is collectively responsible to the elected legislature.

However, strong parliamentary majorities can sometimes reduce effective executive scrutiny.

Judicial review

Under Articles 32 and 226, courts can review executive actions for constitutional validity.

Judicial review remains a powerful safeguard, though delays and institutional constraints affect accessibility.

Fundamental Rights

Part III restricts arbitrary executive action by guaranteeing equality, liberty and freedom.

The expansion of Article 21 has strengthened rights-based limitations on executive power.

Federalism

The constitutional division of powers between the Union and States restricts excessive centralization.

However, fiscal asymmetry and emergency provisions can strengthen the Union.

Independent constitutional institutions

Bodies such as the Election Commission and CAG contribute to accountability and institutional checks.

Their effectiveness depends upon institutional independence and political conventions.

Thus, India has a strong constitutional framework.

However, as Ambedkar emphasized through constitutional morality, institutions are effective only when political actors respect democratic norms.

 

Q7(c). Map the different types of ethnic conflicts that have emerged in 21st-century India.

Ethnic conflicts in India emerge from competition over identity, territory, resources and political representation.

One category is tribal-ethnic conflict, particularly involving struggles over land, resources and political control.

Such conflicts are visible in several parts of the North-East, including Manipur.

A second category is inter-ethnic conflict, where different communities compete over political power and territorial claims.

Assam and Manipur have witnessed such tensions.

A third category involves indigenous versus migrant conflicts.

Migration can create anxieties regarding employment, land ownership and demographic change.

These tensions are particularly significant in parts of the North-East.

Another dimension involves caste-based collective conflicts concerning reservation, social status and political representation.

While caste is not identical to ethnicity, caste-based mobilization can produce similar forms of group political conflict.

Underlying causes include relative deprivation, resource competition, historical grievances and identity insecurity.

Political entrepreneurs may further mobilize these identities for electoral purposes.

Thus, ethnic conflict requires more than a law-and-order response.

India needs political accommodation, recognition, inclusive development and cooperative federalism to manage identity-based conflicts.

 

Q8(a). Discuss the causes and consequences of inter-State water disputes in India.

Inter-State water disputes are a major challenge to India's cooperative and competitive federalism.

The basic problem is that river basins do not follow political boundaries.

Therefore, upstream and downstream States often possess competing interests.

Growing population, urbanization and agricultural demand have increased pressure on limited water resources.

Climate change has further increased uncertainty by affecting rainfall patterns and river flows.

States also compete for water for irrigation, drinking purposes, industries and hydropower.

Water disputes often become linked with regional identity and political mobilization, making compromise politically difficult.

Institutional delays in dispute resolution can further intensify conflicts.

Consequences

Water disputes can weaken inter-State trust and strain cooperative federalism.

They can produce regional polarization and political protests.

Agriculture and industry may suffer because of uncertainty regarding water availability.

Conflicts may also generate environmental damage through excessive extraction and unsustainable infrastructure development.

The Cauvery dispute illustrates the complexity of balancing upstream and downstream interests.

India needs to shift from territorial water-sharing politics towards river-basin governance.

Scientific data-sharing, water conservation and permanent cooperative institutions are essential.

Thus, water disputes represent the intersection of federalism, ecology, development and regional identity.

 

Q8(b). Critically comment on the shifts in the functioning of the Indian Parliament in the last two decades.

The functioning of the Indian Parliament has undergone significant transformation over the last two decades.

One important concern is the decline in the number of parliamentary sitting days, reducing opportunities for detailed deliberation.

There has also been growing executive dominance.

This reflects a broader trend towards the presidentialization of parliamentary politics, where political leadership becomes increasingly centralized.

Another significant shift concerns the role of Parliamentary Committees.

Committees traditionally provide detailed legislative scrutiny.

Reduced committee examination of legislation can weaken the quality of deliberative democracy.

Frequent disruptions have also reduced productive parliamentary functioning.

At the same time, technology has improved public access to parliamentary information and increased digital transparency.

The anti-defection framework has promoted government stability but may weaken the independence of individual legislators.

Thus, Parliament faces a tension between efficiency and deliberation.

A democratic legislature should not merely pass laws quickly; it must ensure debate, scrutiny and accountability.

Strengthening committees, increasing sitting days and ensuring meaningful opposition participation are essential for restoring Parliament's deliberative role.

 

Q8(c). “The lack of political will in preventing environmental degradation is one of the major challenges that India is experiencing.” Comment.

India possesses a significant framework of environmental laws and institutions. However, environmental degradation continues because of a gap between policy commitment and political implementation.

A major reason is the development–environment trade-off.

Governments often prioritize infrastructure, industrial investment and employment because they generate immediate economic and political benefits.

Environmental protection, however, frequently produces benefits over the long term.

This creates short-termism in democratic decision-making.

Another problem is regulatory capture, where powerful economic interests influence environmental decision-making.

Weak implementation capacity also limits the effectiveness of environmental laws.

Environmental governance involves multiple actors—the Union, States, industries and citizens—creating a collective-action problem.

India's challenges relating to air pollution, groundwater depletion, deforestation and urban ecological stress demonstrate this implementation gap.

The solution requires ecological federalism, stronger institutions and greater citizen participation.

Green budgeting and long-term environmental planning can also strengthen political commitment.

Thus, India's environmental challenge is not merely a lack of laws.

It is fundamentally a question of political will, institutional capacity and intergenerational justice.

A sustainable democracy must move beyond short-term electoral calculations towards ecologically responsible governance.