Election Commission vs States: The Battle for Disciplinary Control Over Election Officials

A fresh dispute between the Election Commission of India (ECI) and the West Bengal government has reignited an enduring debate over control and disciplinary authority regarding election officials. The West Bengal government has declined to take action against four officers accused of manipulating the electoral roll, citing that no election has been announced and the Model Code of Conduct is not yet in effect. This standoff reflects deeper constitutional and legal tensions about how much authority the ECI holds over officials once they are deputed for election duties.

Constitutional Vision: Framers’ Intentions for the ECI

In the Constituent Assembly debates, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar argued strongly for the independence of the Chief Election Commissioner, proposing protections equivalent to those of a Supreme Court judge to shield the role from executive interference. However, he opposed the idea of establishing a dedicated, permanent bureaucracy for the ECI.

Ambedkar pointed out that electoral work is periodic, and creating a full-time cadre would be inefficient and costly. He proposed instead that officials should be deputed from provincial services during elections, but under the complete authority of the Commission while on duty. The constitutional framework therefore envisioned a lean Election Commission, relying on temporary deputation rather than a permanent workforce, but exercising comprehensive control over deputed staff.

The 1988 Amendments: Legal Empowerment of the Commission

To reinforce this vision, Parliament in 1988 amended both the Representation of the People Acts of 1950 and 1951, legally enshrining the ECI’s disciplinary authority.

• Under Section 13CC of the 1950 Act, key electoral officials — including Chief Electoral Officers, District Election Officers, and Electoral Registration Officers — were formally considered to be on deputation to the Commission while handling electoral rolls, thus placing them under its exclusive supervision.
• Section 28A of the 1951 Act extended similar authority over returning officers, presiding and polling officers, and even security personnel involved in election duty. These individuals remained accountable to the ECI from the formal notification of elections until results were declared.

Together, these amendments institutionalized the ECI’s power over all election-related personnel, ensuring uniform conduct, operational independence, and the ability to enforce discipline throughout the electoral process.

Persistent Struggles: T.N. Seshan’s Confrontation with the Government

Despite the legislative clarity provided by the 1988 amendments, friction between the ECI and governments did not cease. The most high-profile confrontation emerged during the tenure of T.N. Seshan (1990–1996), whose rigorous enforcement of election protocols earned him both acclaim and controversy.

Seshan insisted that once officials were assigned to election duty, they reported solely to the Commission, asserting his right to discipline, suspend, or transfer them as necessary. This assertion was met with strong resistance from the government.

The conflict reached its zenith during the 1993 Ranipet by-election in Tamil Nadu. Seshan requested deployment of central paramilitary forces for better security, a move the government rejected on the grounds that the ECI lacked such authority. In response, Seshan postponed 31 elections — spanning the Lok Sabha, Rajya Sabha, state legislative councils, and assemblies — until the impasse was addressed.

The ECI then took the matter to the Supreme Court, which initially granted interim relief by recognizing the Commission’s authority over election officials. However, the case continued even after Seshan’s departure in 1996. A final resolution came in 2000 under Chief Election Commissioner M.S. Gill, through a negotiated settlement accepted by the Court.

This resolution formally codified the Commission’s powers, enabling it to:

• Suspend officials found negligent in election duties.
• Replace such officials and return them to their original posts along with a detailed misconduct report.
• Recommend disciplinary action to the appropriate authority, which would be mandated to act within six months and report back to the ECI.

This development marked a critical moment in Indian electoral history. For the first time, the ECI’s disciplinary control was written into procedure, providing it with tangible tools to maintain electoral integrity and establish accountability across central and state administrations.

Current Standoff in West Bengal: Testing the System Again

Despite the 2000 settlement clarifying the ECI’s disciplinary reach, the current disagreement with the West Bengal government reveals that the conflict remains unresolved in practice. State governments have occasionally undermined or delayed ECI directives, either by offering lenient interpretations or avoiding strict enforcement.

In the present controversy, should West Bengal continue its resistance, the ECI has a defined set of escalation steps available:

1. Summon the Chief Secretary – This has already occurred, with the ECI granting a one-week compliance deadline.
2. Engage the Central Government – The Commission can seek intervention from the Centre to remind the state of its obligations under the 2000 settlement.
3. Approach the Judiciary – As a last resort, the ECI may move the courts, invoking its authority under the Representation of the People Acts of 1950 and 1951 to compel compliance.

This ongoing episode underscores a key challenge: though the ECI’s disciplinary authority is backed by legislation and judicial precedent, its enforcement still hinges on cooperative federalism. When state governments push back, the Commission’s power, while constitutionally and legally sound, faces practical hurdles in execution.

In conclusion, while legal and constitutional provisions have progressively strengthened the Election Commission’s authority, real-world implementation continues to encounter resistance from state governments. The West Bengal standoff exemplifies this persistent tension and highlights the ongoing need to balance institutional independence with cooperative governance.

Constitution (130th Amendment) Bill, 2025: Disqualification of Ministers Facing Serious Criminal Charges

Union Home Minister Amit Shah is expected to introduce the Constitution (130th Amendment) Bill, 2025 in the Lok Sabha, aimed at filling a critical constitutional void concerning the removal of Ministers — including the Prime Minister, Chief Ministers, and Union and State Ministers — who face serious criminal allegations and are detained for a continuous period of 30 days. This legislative move follows the controversy that emerged in 2023 with the arrest of Tamil Nadu minister V. Senthil Balaji, which raised questions about the absence of clear provisions for removing such individuals from office while under detention.

Overview of the Bill and Proposed Amendments

The Constitution (130th Amendment) Bill, 2025 seeks to amend key articles of the Constitution — namely Articles 75, 164, and 239AA — to introduce a formal mechanism for the removal of Ministers facing grave criminal charges. Article 75 outlines the role and responsibilities of the Union Council of Ministers and the Prime Minister; Article 164 deals with State-level Councils of Ministers; and Article 239AA provides special provisions for the National Capital Territory of Delhi.

Under the proposed changes, if a Minister — including the Prime Minister or Chief Minister — is arrested and held in custody for 30 consecutive days on charges that carry a minimum punishment of five years, they would be removed from office. For Union Ministers and the Prime Minister, removal would be carried out by the President, either directly or based on the Prime Minister’s advice. For State Ministers, the Governor would act on the advice of the Chief Minister. In the case of a Chief Minister, however, the Governor would exercise this power independently. Separate provisions are also being included to cover Union Territories and Jammu & Kashmir, in accordance with their unique constitutional statuses. Notably, the Bill permits reappointment of such individuals once they are released from detention.

Rationale and Justification Behind the Bill

The primary justification for the proposed amendment lies in upholding the values of good governance and constitutional morality. The presence of Ministers facing serious criminal charges undermines public confidence in the democratic process and the credibility of the executive. The Bill seeks to affirm that those holding public office must possess integrity that is beyond reproach and not be shielded by procedural ambiguity.

The current constitutional framework lacks a direct provision for disqualifying Ministers under criminal investigation or in custody, creating a grey area. Although the doctrine of “pleasure of the President or Governor” is often cited, this power is effectively constrained by the requirement to act on the advice of the Council of Ministers. The amendment seeks to clarify and codify this area of law, removing interpretive ambiguity.

Political and Judicial Context of the Reform

The push for the 130th Amendment comes in the wake of a contentious episode involving DMK Minister V. Senthil Balaji, who was arrested in 2023. Tamil Nadu Governor R.N. Ravi attempted to dismiss him from the Cabinet, but Chief Minister M.K. Stalin reinstated him following his release on bail. A subsequent Cabinet reshuffle eventually led to Balaji''s removal after concerns were raised by the Supreme Court.

This episode highlighted a legal loophole in Article 164, which does not grant Governors the independent authority to remove Ministers without the Chief Minister’s advice. The judiciary has clarified that Governors are bound by the Council of Ministers’ advice, reinforcing the need for constitutional clarity. The proposed amendment aims to override this ambiguity by laying out an explicit removal process.

Related Legislative Measures Under Consideration

Alongside the Constitution (130th Amendment) Bill, 2025, the government has proposed two additional pieces of legislation to extend the same disqualification principle to other territories. The Government of Union Territories (Amendment) Bill, 2025 would revise the Government of Union Territories Act, 1963, impacting regions like Puducherry and Delhi. Similarly, the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation (Amendment) Bill, 2025 seeks to update Section 54 of the 2019 Act that converted Jammu & Kashmir from a full-fledged state into a Union Territory.

All three bills are expected to be referred to a Joint Committee of Parliament for detailed scrutiny, in keeping with established legislative procedures.

Procedural Hurdles and Parliamentary Context

Under Rules 19A and 19B of the Lok Sabha’s procedures, prior circulation of bills to Members of Parliament is required before introduction. However, given the limited time left in the Monsoon Session, which ends on August 21, 2025, the government has requested procedural flexibility to expedite the bill’s introduction. The urgency surrounding the bill’s tabling comes amid an already turbulent session, with the Opposition staging protests over alleged irregularities in the Bihar electoral rolls and accusations of “vote theft.”

Constitutional and Administrative Implications

If enacted, the Constitution (130th Amendment) Bill, 2025 would represent a major step forward in enhancing executive accountability by providing an explicit legal basis for removing Ministers under serious criminal investigation. The Bill distinguishes between the roles and jurisdictions of the Centre, States, and Union Territories, ensuring the federal structure remains balanced while applying uniform standards of accountability.

The legislation is also seen as part of a broader strategy to curb the criminalisation of politics and restore public trust in governance. At the same time, critics have raised concerns about the potential for misuse. Observers warn that central agencies might be weaponised to target opposition leaders, while ruling party members might avoid similar scrutiny. These fears are reinforced by recent high-profile arrests, including those of Chief Ministers Arvind Kejriwal in Delhi and Hemant Soren in Jharkhand, both of whom spent extended periods in custody on corruption charges.

The bill’s timing and political implications have sparked fears that it could be used as a tool to destabilise opposition-ruled states. With political tensions already high in Parliament, the proposed amendment could trigger further friction between the Treasury and Opposition benches.

Conclusion

If passed and enacted, the Constitution (130th Amendment) Bill, 2025 could reshape the framework of accountability in Indian governance. By ensuring that Ministers facing serious criminal allegations do not continue in office during their detention, the amendment aligns governance with constitutional morality and public expectations. However, its real test will lie in how effectively it is implemented without becoming a tool for political vendetta. The challenge ahead is to ensure that these reforms uphold justice, prevent abuse, and strengthen the democratic fabric of the nation.

India’s Two-Tier GST Reform: Prospects for Long-Term Revenue Growth

S&P Global Ratings has stated that India’s proposed two-tier Goods and Services Tax (GST) system has the potential to lower the effective tax burden while ultimately strengthening long-term fiscal revenues. The central government’s reform proposal, which will soon be discussed with state governments, aims to simplify the indirect tax structure by consolidating the existing slabs into two main rates: 5% and 18%. In addition, a special rate of 40% will apply to select luxury items or goods considered harmful to health and society, often referred to as "sin goods."

This proposed overhaul is expected to ease compliance burdens, minimize tax-related complexities, and encourage more efficient administration of the tax system. While the long-term fiscal benefits appear promising, the immediate impact on tax collections and consumer affordability remains uncertain. Currently, India’s GST framework includes four main slabs — 5%, 12%, 18%, and 28% — and this system has been a crucial pillar of the government''s revenue stream since its introduction.

The government intends to implement the reform by the end of 2025, with the overarching goal of making the system simpler and fairer. This would help reduce disputes over tax classifications, limit litigation, discourage tax evasion, and address issues such as duty inversion, where final goods are taxed at lower rates than their inputs, leading to inefficiencies and refund complications.

Decline in Effective GST Rates Over Time

Since the GST was introduced in 2017, the overall tax burden under the system has gradually declined. A Reserve Bank of India (RBI) study from 2019 found that the weighted average GST rate had decreased from 14.4% to 11.6%. This reduction was achieved through expanding the tax base and removing inefficiencies in the system. That downward trend in effective taxation is expected to continue under the proposed reform.

S&P’s Assessment of the Proposed Reform

S&P Global Ratings has dismissed concerns that the proposed GST changes will harm the government’s revenue position. According to the agency, while the tax rates may appear lower under the new two-slab structure, the reform’s simplified design and greater transparency in tax administration could lead to stronger collections over time.

S&P emphasized that the GST has played a vital role in boosting India’s fiscal revenues over the last five to six years. The agency believes that ongoing reform, including slab rationalisation, will reinforce the government''s financial position in the long run, even though short-term adjustments could introduce some challenges.

Debt, Deficits, and Fiscal Projections

Looking ahead, S&P projects that the combined fiscal deficit of the central and state governments will stand at 7.3% of GDP in 2025–26. This figure is expected to decline to 6.6% by 2028–29. While the cost of servicing debt remains a significant burden on the public finances, S&P believes this pressure will gradually ease due to stronger revenue flows and more cost-effective borrowing.

India’s overall debt-to-GDP ratio is projected to decline from 83% in 2024–25 to 78% by 2028–29. The central government is aiming to reduce its share of debt further, targeting a ratio of 49–51% by the financial year 2030–31.

Rating Upgrade and the Broader Outlook

Reflecting its confidence in India’s economic trajectory, S&P has upgraded the country’s credit rating from BBB- to BBB. The agency attributed this improved outlook to India’s robust economic growth, ongoing structural reforms — including the proposed GST restructuring — and commitment to fiscal consolidation.

In its upgrade, S&P cited several key strengths underpinning India’s long-term fiscal outlook:

• Sustained and resilient economic growth.
• Political commitment to managing public finances prudently.
• Higher capital expenditure, which improves the quality of government spending.
• A reliable and credible monetary policy framework that helps maintain inflation control.

Economists’ Views on Fiscal Impact

Economists have noted that while the reform is expected to benefit the overall tax system, it may have short-term revenue implications for state governments. Estimates suggest that states could experience annual losses in the range of ₹7,000–9,000 crore. However, these losses might be compensated by accelerated GDP growth, which tends to enhance both direct and indirect tax collections.

For the central government, the expected impact of the reform on the fiscal deficit for the financial year 2025–26 is minimal — projected to be less than 0.1% of GDP. This indicates that while transitional costs exist, they are unlikely to derail broader fiscal consolidation goals.

In summary, India’s move towards a two-tier GST structure represents a significant step in tax reform, designed to simplify the system and promote long-term revenue efficiency. While short-term concerns around collections and state-level impacts remain, both policymakers and international rating agencies like S&P maintain a broadly optimistic outlook on the reform’s fiscal and economic implications.

Rajya Sabha Approves Critical Minerals Mining Bill: A Strategic Shift in Resource Policy

The Rajya Sabha has passed the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2025, marking a major policy shift by allowing mining leaseholders to extract vital resources such as lithium, cobalt, and nickel without incurring additional royalty charges. Following its earlier passage in the Lok Sabha on August 12, this legislation is set to play a pivotal role in strengthening India’s mineral security and advancing its clean energy and technological ambitions.

Introduction

India has moved decisively to secure its supply of critical minerals with the approval of the Mines and Minerals Amendment Bill, 2025. The legislation aims to empower mining leaseholders to access rare and high-demand resources crucial for modern industry, without imposing further royalty obligations. This strategic reform is positioned at the heart of India’s long-term goals in sectors ranging from green energy and electronics to defence and advanced manufacturing.

Key Provisions of the Mines and Minerals Amendment Bill, 2025

The Bill amends the long-standing Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act of 1957. One of its most significant provisions permits current leaseholders to expand their mining operations by including critical minerals in their extraction rights. These minerals — notably lithium, cobalt, and nickel — are indispensable components in emerging technologies such as electric vehicles, advanced batteries, semiconductor production, renewable energy storage systems, and high-performance aerospace applications.

In addition to operational flexibility, the legislation enhances the Union government’s authority to foster a well-regulated mineral market. It allows for the establishment of mineral exchanges to facilitate transparent and efficient trading, potentially transforming how resources are priced and distributed in India.

Importance of the Reform

This amendment serves multiple national interests:

·       Enhancing Resource Security: As key ingredients in batteries, electronic components, and low-carbon technologies, domestic access to critical minerals reduces India’s reliance on foreign imports and enhances supply chain resilience.

·       Accelerating the Clean Energy Transition: The reform supports India’s push for electric mobility, solar energy development, and broader renewable energy adoption by ensuring raw material availability for core components.

·       Reinforcing Strategic Industries: From consumer electronics to defence production, the availability of these minerals is essential for maintaining and expanding industrial capacity across vital sectors.

·       Promoting Investment and Operational Efficiency: The removal of additional royalty charges lowers entry barriers and operating costs, encouraging private sector participation in exploration and production activities.

National Critical Mineral Mission and Policy Support

To further support this legislative shift, the Ministry of Coal and Mines has outlined a broader strategic framework. The government has identified a list of 24 critical and strategic minerals and launched the National Critical Mineral Mission, backed by a funding commitment of ₹34,000 crore. This initiative focuses on intensifying domestic exploration, including offshore mineral reserves, and building a sustainable production ecosystem.

As part of this broader vision, the existing National Mineral Exploration Trust has been renamed the National Mineral Exploration and Development Trust, signifying an expanded mandate that includes industrial development alongside mineral discovery.

Potential Challenges to Implementation

While the reform has been widely welcomed, several significant challenges remain:

·       Environmental Risks: Extracting critical minerals could disrupt ecologically sensitive zones and place pressure on water resources, necessitating strong regulatory oversight and mitigation strategies.

·       Global Competitive Pressure: India enters a highly competitive arena, where countries like China, the U.S., and Australia already control much of the global supply chain for rare and critical minerals.

·       Technological and Financial Hurdles: Developing the infrastructure and technological capabilities for large-scale mineral exploration, refining, and value addition requires substantial investment and advanced know-how.

·       Geopolitical Complexity: Control over critical minerals is increasingly linked to global strategic rivalries, especially as China continues to dominate the refining and supply of rare earth materials.

Outlook for India’s Mining and Industrial Future

The passage of the Mines and Minerals Amendment Bill, 2025, is expected to reshape India’s mining landscape by turning it into a strategic sector aligned with national goals of economic growth, energy security, and industrial self-reliance. By integrating resource policy with broader programmes such as Make in India, energy transition strategies, and defence preparedness, the government aims to establish India as a major player in the global critical minerals economy.

However, the long-term success of this initiative hinges on several factors — the ability to maintain ecological safeguards, the development of domestic refining and processing capacity, and the fair distribution of benefits among states and local communities. Balancing these imperatives will be critical as India seeks to harness its natural resources for a sustainable and competitive future.

India’s Green Hydrogen Roadmap: Insights from the FICCI–EY 2025 Report

A joint report released by the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and Ernst & Young (EY) projects that India could capture up to 10% of the global green hydrogen market. However, achieving this goal hinges on addressing current economic and infrastructural barriers. The report advocates for bold policy shifts, including the reallocation of fossil fuel subsidies and the establishment of a mandated industry-level usage quota to ensure stable domestic demand.

Understanding Green Hydrogen

Green hydrogen is produced by splitting water molecules through electrolysis, using power generated from renewable sources such as solar and wind energy. This process emits no carbon dioxide, making it an essential zero-emission fuel. Its versatility allows for wide-ranging applications in sectors such as steel production, mobility, fertiliser manufacturing, and maritime shipping. As the world accelerates its shift toward net-zero emissions, green hydrogen is emerging as a key enabler of deep decarbonisation.

India’s Current Initiatives in Green Hydrogen

India is already laying the groundwork to establish itself as a global hub for green hydrogen through both policy and pilot-level initiatives. The flagship National Green Hydrogen Mission, launched in 2023, represents a major step toward this goal. With an outlay of ₹19,744 crore, the mission aims to create a domestic production capacity of 5 million metric tonnes per year by 2030. To meet this target, India will need to develop approximately 125 GW of renewable energy generation capacity, alongside substantial investments in electrolyser manufacturing and water supply logistics.

In parallel, several pilot projects are being implemented to test the viability of hydrogen-based technologies. The government has allocated ₹208 crore to support five pilot programmes, which include the rollout of 37 hydrogen-powered vehicles — comprising 15 fuel cell vehicles and 22 hydrogen internal combustion engine models. Additionally, nine hydrogen refuelling stations are scheduled to become operational within the next 18 to 24 months.

Regarding production costs, green hydrogen currently ranges between $4 and $4.5 per kilogram. However, with falling renewable energy prices, tax incentives, and improved technological efficiency, the cost is expected to decline to $3–3.75 per kilogram by 2030.

Barriers to Scale and Adoption

Despite growing interest and government support, green hydrogen still faces significant hurdles:

First, the cost of green hydrogen is approximately double that of grey hydrogen, primarily due to high capital costs, energy transmission losses, and current inefficiencies in production and distribution systems.

Second, India continues to subsidise fossil fuels heavily, distorting market incentives and making green hydrogen less economically attractive in comparison to conventional energy sources.

Third, the country lacks the necessary infrastructure for large-scale hydrogen deployment, including renewable energy integration, water resource logistics, storage systems, and dedicated pipelines for hydrogen transport.

Fourth, there remains uncertainty around industrial demand. In the absence of assured offtake agreements, industries remain reluctant to invest in green hydrogen, resulting in limited investor confidence.

Finally, on the international front, countries like the European Union, Japan, and South Korea are already far ahead, establishing hydrogen import corridors and securing long-term supply chains — presenting stiff competition for India’s export ambitions.

Key Recommendations from the FICCI–EY Report

The report proposes a multi-pronged strategy to overcome these barriers and establish India as a green hydrogen powerhouse. It recommends a reallocation of government subsidies away from fossil fuels and towards green hydrogen projects. It also calls for a mandated use policy, compelling industries such as steel, fertilisers, and shipping to procure a set percentage of their energy needs from green hydrogen.

Additionally, the report suggests the introduction of a carbon pricing mechanism or tax to make green hydrogen cost-competitive against fossil-based alternatives. A structured demand aggregation model is advised, backed by secure payment mechanisms, to ensure price stability and long-term procurement contracts.

To bolster India''s position as an exporter, the report urges the government to pursue bilateral export strategies aimed at supplying up to 10 million metric tonnes of green hydrogen annually to energy-hungry nations such as Japan, South Korea, and members of the European Union.

Further, the report emphasises the need to support innovation and research by promoting domestic manufacturing of electrolysers, scaling up startups, and incentivising private sector investment in hydrogen technologies.

Global Market Context and India’s Potential

Globally, the green hydrogen market was valued at $8.78 billion in 2024 and is projected to reach $199.22 billion by 2034, reflecting a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 41.5%. India’s own green hydrogen market is expected to reach $2.81 billion by 2030, growing at a staggering CAGR of 56% between 2024 and 2030.

While the world grapples with gaps in health immunity, such as the 14.3 million "zero-dose" children in 2024, the green hydrogen sector faces its own version of access disparity — a global adoption gap. Developing economies, in particular, are lagging in building the infrastructure and investment ecosystems required for mass-scale hydrogen adoption.

Conclusion

India possesses significant advantages — abundant renewable energy resources, cost-effective power, and geographic positioning — to emerge as a global leader in green hydrogen. However, realising this potential will require decisive policy action: phasing out fossil fuel subsidies, mandating industrial demand, scaling up infrastructure, and forging international alliances.

If these strategic reforms are implemented in time, India could claim a 10% share of the global green hydrogen market by 2030. This would position the country as a key player in the global energy transition and a major contributor to the decarbonised economies of the future.

Standing Committee on Finance Recommends Equitable Industrial Development Across States

A recent report by the Standing Committee on Finance has strongly advocated for a more even distribution of industries across all Indian states. Although industrial development constitutionally falls under the jurisdiction of individual states, the Committee stressed that central government initiatives remain pivotal in shaping industrial progress nationwide.

This recommendation aligns with the findings of the Economic Survey 2024–25, which previously highlighted stark disparities in the level of industrial development among different states. The uneven growth in this sector continues to be a major structural challenge for India’s economic progress.

Disparities in Industrial Growth Across Regions

The report underscores the uneven spread of industrial activities across the country. States such as Gujarat, Uttarakhand, and Himachal Pradesh have successfully harnessed industrial development and benefitted from sectoral dependencies. In contrast, many states in northern and eastern India continue to display low levels of industrialisation.

In terms of manufacturing concentration, Tamil Nadu emerges as a leader due to its dense network of factories and industrial hubs. On the other hand, states like Bihar register minimal presence of manufacturing units, illustrating the persistent imbalance in industrial footprints across regions.

Root Causes Behind Industrial Imbalances

Several historical, geographical, and policy-driven factors contribute to the uneven growth of industries among Indian states.

Historically, industrial imbalances trace back to the colonial era, when development was heavily concentrated in select regions such as West Bengal and Maharashtra due to their strategic and commercial significance under British rule.

Geographical constraints continue to hinder progress in states with challenging terrains, such as those in the Himalayan and North-Eastern regions. The difficult topography and limited accessibility reduce the attractiveness of these areas for large-scale industrial investments.

Infrastructural inadequacies remain a major bottleneck. Variations in the availability of power, efficient transport networks, and industrial land have stymied growth in states like Bihar and those in the North-East.

Policy and planning imbalances also play a key role. For instance, the Green Revolution predominantly benefitted a few agriculturally prosperous states like Punjab and Haryana, leaving other states behind in terms of both agricultural and industrial development. This further compounded regional disparities over time.

Recommendations and Way Forward

To address these disparities, the Economic Survey 2025 called for the adoption of balanced industrial policies that promote deregulation and remove barriers to entry across all states. The survey also emphasised the need for infrastructure upgrades to create an enabling environment for sustainable industrial growth.

The Standing Committee echoed these recommendations, stressing that effective collaboration between the Centre and the states is crucial. In particular, central government support is essential for underperforming regions in the form of enhanced infrastructure, improved educational and skill development systems, and expanded access to affordable credit. Such coordinated efforts are seen as vital to ensuring that industrial development becomes more inclusive, equitable, and aligned with the broader goals of national economic growth.

Soaps and Detergents: Revisiting Their Environmental Impact

Amid growing environmental consciousness and the increasing demand for eco-friendly cleaning products, soaps and detergents have re-entered the spotlight. Concerns are rising over the ecological consequences of synthetic surfactants commonly found in many commercial detergents, prompting a re-evaluation of their production and usage.

Understanding Soaps and Detergents

Soaps are typically made from the sodium or potassium salts of fatty acids derived from natural sources such as vegetable oils and animal fats. Their general chemical formula is represented as RCOONa or RCOOK. In contrast, detergents are synthetic cleaning substances primarily derived from petrochemicals and enhanced with additional elements like surfactants, bleaching agents, and fragrances to improve their effectiveness.

Chemical Ingredients Involved

Soap production utilizes raw materials such as coconut, palm, olive, and soybean oils, along with caustic soda (sodium hydroxide) or caustic potash (potassium hydroxide). To enhance their appeal and utility, soaps are often infused with fragrances like sandalwood oil or artificial scents, colorants, fillers like talc and sodium silicate, and surfactants such as sodium lauryl sulphate. They may also contain antibacterial and antifungal components like neem oil or triclosan.

Detergents, by contrast, are built on synthetic surfactants, most notably linear alkyl benzene sulphonate and sodium lauryl sulphate. To improve performance, builders like sodium carbonate and phosphates are added, along with enzymes, bleaching agents, dyes, and fragrances.

Manufacturing Process

Modern soap production involves several stages. First, vegetable oils undergo high-temperature hydrolysis to separate fatty acids. These are then reacted with sodium hydroxide, resulting in soap and water. After water removal, the solid soap—known as "soap noodles"—is blended with additives including scents, colors, and surfactants. This mixture is then shaped into bars or cakes, which are packaged and distributed.

Detergents follow a different method. The base hydrocarbons undergo sulphonation by reacting with sulphuric acid, forming the foundational surfactant. This is neutralized using an alkali such as sodium hydroxide. The mixture is then supplemented with builders, enzymes, dyes, and fragrances before being spray-dried or agglomerated into powder form. The final products are packaged in various forms including sachets, boxes, or liquid bottles.

Distinctions Between Soaps and Detergents

The key difference lies in their base materials and chemical composition. Soaps are made from natural oils and fats, while detergents are synthesized from petrochemicals. Chemically, soaps are salts of fatty acids, whereas detergents rely on sulphonates and sulphates for cleaning action. Soap performs optimally in soft water but loses efficiency in hard water. Detergents, however, are effective in both. Environmentally, soaps are biodegradable and generally more eco-friendly, while some surfactants in detergents pose risks of water pollution. In terms of form, soaps are typically found as bars or liquid solutions, while detergents are available in powder, gel, or liquid form.

World Orangutan Day 2025: A Call for Urgent Conservation

Observed on August 19 each year since its inception in 2013 by global conservation organisations, World Orangutan Day serves as a vital platform to raise awareness about the endangered status of orangutans. The 2025 campaign adopts the powerful theme: “Save the orangutans, save the rainforest, save the planet,” underscoring the interconnectedness of species survival and environmental preservation.

Orangutans: Our Arboreal Cousins

Orangutans are among the great apes of Asia and rank just after chimpanzees, bonobos, and gorillas in terms of genetic proximity to humans—sharing about 97% of human DNA. The name "orangutan" is derived from the Malay words “Orang” (person) and “Hutan” (forest), translating to "person of the forest," reflecting their deep connection to their natural habitat.

There are three known species: the Bornean orangutan (Pongo pygmaeus), the Sumatran orangutan (Pongo abelii), and the Tapanuli orangutan (Pongo tapanuliensis), which was only discovered in 2017 and is the rarest of the three, with fewer than 1,000 individuals remaining.

Habitat and Behaviour

These apes are endemic to the islands of Sumatra and Borneo, regions shared by Indonesia, Malaysia, and Brunei. They dwell in tropical rainforests and are predominantly arboreal, spending most of their lives in trees. Orangutans have the longest arms among primates, adapted for swinging through the forest canopy. They are intelligent creatures capable of using tools, such as sticks to extract insects or honey. Their cognitive abilities also include memory, emotional expression, and forward planning.

A unique challenge in their conservation is their slow reproductive rate—females give birth only once every 6 to 8 years—making population recovery exceptionally slow.

Their diet is primarily frugivorous, with fruits comprising 60 to 90% of their intake. They also consume leaves, bark, insects, and occasionally bird eggs.

Conservation Crisis

All three species of orangutans are classified as Critically Endangered by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN). Major threats include deforestation for palm oil plantations, illegal logging, hunting, the illicit pet trade, and the impacts of climate change. Conservation efforts are urgent and vital to ensure their survival and the health of the rainforests they help sustain.

Mithi River: Flood Threats Amid Heavy Mumbai Rains

A severe rainfall event in Mumbai recently brought the long-neglected issue of the Mithi River back into public focus. Within just 24 hours, the city recorded 300 mm of rain, causing widespread waterlogging and forcing the evacuation of around 400 residents from low-lying areas. The Mithi River, which overflowed to a dangerous 3.9 metres, played a central role in the flooding crisis.

Profile of the Mithi River

The Mithi is a seasonal river that winds its way through Mumbai’s suburban districts. While originally serving as a natural stormwater drain, years of neglect, pollution, and encroachments have turned it into a heavily degraded water body with drastically reduced flood-carrying capacity.

The river originates from the overflow of Vihar Lake and is joined by water from Powai Lake roughly 2 km downstream. From there, it flows through densely populated areas such as Powai, Saki Naka, Kurla, Kalina, Vakola, Bandra Kurla Complex, Dharavi, and Mahim, before finally draining into the Arabian Sea at Mahim Creek. Covering an approximate stretch of 18 km, the river has undergone several modifications, especially after the devastating floods of 2005. Its average width, once around 5 metres in the upper stretches, was later increased to about 70 metres near Mahim to accommodate floodwaters more effectively.

Despite these measures, the Mithi remains a pollution hotspot. Raw sewage, industrial waste, and solid garbage continue to choke the river, while illegal constructions along its banks further impede water flow. These factors collectively diminish its capacity to handle excessive rainfall, amplifying the risk of urban flooding during the monsoon season.

Vihar Lake: Overflowing Amidst Mumbai’s Torrential Rainfall

Amid ongoing heavy rainfall in Mumbai, Vihar Lake—one of the city''s key sources of potable water—has begun to overflow, triggering concern among city officials and residents alike.

Vihar Lake is a man-made reservoir located near Vihar village on the Mithi River. It lies within the expanse of Borivali National Park, also known as Sanjay Gandhi National Park, in northern Mumbai, Maharashtra. Constructed between 1856 and 1860 by the British colonial administration, the lake was designed to address the drinking water needs of South Mumbai, which at the time faced severe water shortages.

The lake receives its inflow from the catchment areas of the Powai-Kanheri hill ranges. Among Mumbai’s various reservoirs, Vihar is the largest on the Salsette group of islands. It is strategically positioned between Tulsi Lake and Powai Lake, forming part of a key water infrastructure network.

Currently, Vihar Lake contributes approximately 3% of Mumbai’s total drinking water supply. Water from the lake is channelled to the Bhandup filtration plant, one of the largest in Asia, before being distributed to households in the city. The recent overflow, while a sign of adequate rainfall, also raises concerns about flood management and the city''s drainage capacity.

Asian Palm Civet: An Unexpected Visitor in Kerala High Court

In a rather unusual turn of events, recent proceedings in Chamber 1 of the Kerala High Court were momentarily disrupted due to an intense foul odour, later traced to the presence of an Asian Palm Civet.

The Asian Palm Civet, commonly referred to as the Toddy Cat or the Common Palm Civet, is a small, nocturnal mammal belonging to the Viverridae family, which also includes other civet and mongoose species. Its scientific name is Paradoxurus hermaphroditus, and it is widely distributed across South and Southeast Asia, including countries such as India, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, and the Philippines.

Characterised by a long and slender body, short legs, and a pointed snout, the Asian Palm Civet typically weighs between 2 to 5 kilograms (4.4 to 11 pounds) and can measure about 53 to 71 centimetres (21 to 28 inches) including the tail. Its fur is generally brownish-grey, adorned with black spots, and its face is distinguished by white markings that resemble a mask around the eyes. These mammals are primarily nocturnal and possess an omnivorous diet consisting of insects, fruits, and small animals.

Notably, Asian Palm Civets play a unique role in the production of a rare and expensive type of coffee—Kopi Luwak. They consume ripe coffee cherries and later excrete the beans, which are collected, processed, and brewed, supposedly enhancing the flavour through natural fermentation. In addition to their coffee-related fame, they are known for an acute sense of smell and exceptional climbing skills, which enable them to forage easily in tree canopies.

Despite their presence in urban and semi-urban landscapes, the species is not currently under significant conservation threat and is classified as "Least Concern" on the IUCN Red List.

Pamba River: Moving Towards Inclusion in River Conservation Plan

The central government has recently taken concrete steps to include the Pamba River under the National River Conservation Plan (NRCP), a high-investment initiative aimed at safeguarding major rivers across India.

The Pamba River, sometimes referred to as the ''Dakshina Bhageerathi'' or the ''Ganga of Kerala,'' holds immense spiritual and cultural significance, particularly due to its association with the revered Sabarimala temple. Devotees often take ritual baths in its waters before and after their pilgrimage to the hill shrine.

As the third-longest river in Kerala—after the Periyar and Bharathappuzha rivers—the Pamba River is also known by another name: Thriveni Sangam, symbolising the confluence of three rivers—Pamba, Achankovil, and Manimala.

Its origin lies at a height of 1650 metres in the Pulachimalai Hill, located on the Peerumedu plateau in the Western Ghats. The river travels approximately 176 kilometres before emptying into the Arabian Sea through a network of distributaries. The Pamba basin, encompassing an area of 2,235 square kilometres, lies entirely within Kerala. It is flanked by the Western Ghats to the east and the Arabian Sea to the west.

The river is fed by several important tributaries, including Kakki Ar, Azhuta Ar, Kakkad Ar, Kallar, Manimala, and Achenkovil. The move to bring it under the NRCP is expected to improve conservation efforts and address pollution, encroachment, and ecological degradation.

Thattekad Bird Sanctuary: New Faunal Discoveries Enrich Biodiversity Record

A recent faunal survey conducted at the Thattekad Bird Sanctuary in Kerala’s Ernakulam district has led to the documentation of nine new species, significantly enhancing the sanctuary’s official biodiversity checklist.

Thattekad Bird Sanctuary, the first of its kind in Kerala, is located along the banks of the Periyar River. It is also popularly known as the Dr. Salim Ali Bird Sanctuary, in honour of India’s most eminent ornithologist, whose recommendation led to its notification in 1983. Nestled at the foothills of the Western Ghats, the sanctuary is a biodiverse hotspot.

Its terrain is characterised by a variety of forest types including tropical evergreen, tropical semi-evergreen, and moist deciduous forests. The natural landscape incorporates aquatic systems such as the Periyar River, marshes and lagoons shaped by the Bhootattankettu dam reservoir, and the adjoining forested areas. Prominent elevations within the sanctuary include Thoppimudi and Nyayapillimudi peaks.

The region is home to diverse flora including species like Myristica dactyloides, Hopea parviflora, Tetrameles nudiflora, along with teak, rosewood, and mahogany trees. Thattekad is especially renowned for its avifauna and harbours several endemic and rare bird species such as the Ceylon Frogmouth, Black Bazza, Oriental Dwarf Kingfisher, and Bay Owl.

The addition of new species to its records underscores the sanctuary''s rich ecological value and reinforces its status as a critical conservation area.

Snow Leopard: Confirmed Presence in Kishtwar Himalayas

A comprehensive three-year camera-trapping survey has verified the year-round presence and breeding activity of snow leopards in the Union Territory of Jammu & Kashmir. The findings, which highlight the importance of the Kishtwar Himalayas, mark a significant development in understanding the distribution and conservation of this elusive species.

The snow leopard, often referred to as the "ghost of the mountains," is a medium-sized big cat adapted to the cold and rugged high-altitude landscapes of Central and South Asia. These solitary predators are known for inhabiting steep terrains marked by rocky outcrops, cliffs, and deep ravines, typically found at elevations ranging from 3,000 to 5,000 metres in the Himalayan belt.

Globally, snow leopards are distributed across 12 countries, including China, Mongolia, Russia, Bhutan, Nepal, Pakistan, and India. Within India, their habitat spans high-altitude, cold, and arid zones in states such as Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Sikkim, and Arunachal Pradesh.

The snow leopard’s physical characteristics make it uniquely suited for mountain life. It has thick, pale grey fur with dark rosettes that help it blend seamlessly into its rocky surroundings. Measuring up to 7 feet in length—with nearly half of that being its thick, bushy tail—the snow leopard uses its tail for balance on treacherous terrain and for insulation during rest. These cats are typically solitary, only coming together for mating or while raising cubs.

From a conservation standpoint, snow leopards are listed as Vulnerable on the IUCN Red List. They are included under Appendix I of CITES and enjoy the highest level of protection under India’s Wildlife Protection Act, 1972, as they are classified under Schedule I.

Saltwater Crocodile: Population Rises in the Sundarbans

The latest population assessment conducted by the Forest Department of West Bengal has recorded a rise in the number of saltwater crocodiles inhabiting the Sundarban Biosphere Reserve, indicating a positive trend for the conservation of one of the world’s largest reptiles.

Scientifically named Crocodylus porosus, the saltwater crocodile—also known colloquially as the "saltie"—holds the distinction of being the largest and heaviest living reptile. It is often referred to by several names, including the estuarine crocodile, Indo-Pacific crocodile, and marine crocodile. As an apex predator, it is a highly opportunistic hypercarnivore capable of taking down large prey.

Its natural distribution spans saltwater habitats and brackish wetlands, from India’s eastern coast through Southeast Asia and the Sundaic region, all the way to northern Australia and the Micronesian islands. These crocodiles thrive in both riverine and coastal environments.

Male saltwater crocodiles can grow up to 5 metres in length and weigh approximately 500 kilograms, while females are much smaller, generally measuring less than 3 metres and weighing under 100 kilograms. Their skin, typically dark greenish-brown with lighter underbellies, offers effective camouflage in murky waters. They possess thick, armour-like scales for protection and are extremely territorial in nature, especially adult males that may control extensive areas of rivers or coastlines.

Solitary by disposition, saltwater crocodiles prefer to live alone and interact minimally outside the breeding season. Despite their ferocity, the species is listed as Least Concern on the IUCN Red List, largely due to successful conservation efforts in key habitats such as the Sundarbans.

Anna Chakra: A Digital Leap in PDS Logistics

The Union Minister of State for Consumer Affairs, Food, and Public Distribution recently provided an update on the functioning and impact of Anna Chakra, a digital tool designed to optimise the food grain supply chain under India’s Public Distribution System (PDS).

Anna Chakra is a sophisticated supply chain optimisation initiative developed collaboratively by the Department of Food and Public Distribution, the World Food Programme (WFP), and the Foundation for Innovation and Technology Transfer (FITT) at IIT Delhi. Its primary objective is to ensure the seamless and efficient movement of food grains across a network that includes farmers, warehouses, and Fair Price Shops (FPS).

Using advanced route optimisation algorithms, the system determines the most efficient pathways for transporting food grains. The scope of this digital tool covers around 4.37 lakh FPSs and approximately 6,700 warehouses across the country. It integrates with the Freight Operations Information System (FOIS) of Indian Railways through the Unified Logistics Interface Platform (ULIP), making it an essential part of interstate movement management.

A key milestone in the evolution of Anna Chakra is its integration with the PM Gati Shakti platform, which now includes geo-tagged locations of FPSs and warehouses. This integration has greatly enhanced operational coordination and monitoring.

The initiative significantly contributes to improving the speed and reliability of the world’s largest food security programme, benefiting 81 crore citizens. Additionally, by reducing travel distances and optimising logistics, Anna Chakra lowers fuel usage, operational costs, and greenhouse gas emissions—delivering both economic and environmental benefits.

Election Commission Announces Schedule for Vice-Presidential Election 2025

The Election Commission of India has announced the schedule for the 2025 Vice-Presidential election, a process strictly governed by constitutional provisions.

According to the Constitution:

• Article 66(2): The Vice-President shall not be a member of either House of Parliament or of any State Legislature at the time of election.
• Article 67: The Vice-President holds office for a term of five years.
• Article 68(2): In case of a vacancy, an election to fill the post must be held promptly.

Election Procedure:

• Nomination: Each candidate must be proposed and seconded by at least 20 electors.
• Candidates are required to submit a ₹15,000 deposit along with a certified copy of their name as listed in the current electoral roll.
• Voting: The election is conducted by an Electoral College consisting of all members (both elected and nominated) of the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha.
• The voting system follows proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote and is conducted by secret ballot, as mandated by Article 66.
• Each vote carries equal weight, with every elector’s vote valued at one.
• The Anti-Defection Law does not apply, meaning members are free to vote without party whips.

Eligibility Criteria for Vice-President (as per Article 66):

• Must be a citizen of India.
• Must be at least 35 years of age.
• Must be qualified to be elected as a member of the Rajya Sabha (Council of States).
• Must not hold any office of profit under the Government of India, any State Government, or any local authority.

CEC Removal Process

Context:
The Opposition is currently exploring the possibility of initiating an impeachment motion against Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar.

The Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) is a constitutional authority established under Article 324 of the Indian Constitution. To ensure the independence, impartiality, and integrity of the Election Commission, the Constitution provides robust safeguards for the removal of the CEC.

The process mirrors the removal mechanism of a Supreme Court judge, as laid out in the Constitution under Article 124(4) and Judges Inquiry Act, 1968.

Permissible Grounds:

·       Proved misbehaviour: This includes corruption, abuse of power, or willful dereliction of constitutional duties.

·       Incapacity: Any physical or mental inability to carry out the functions of the office.

Steps in the Removal Process:

1.     Initiation: A motion can be introduced in either House of Parliament. Requires the support of at least 50 MPs in the Rajya Sabha or at least 100 MPs in Lok Sabha to be admitted.

2.     Judicial Inquiry: A committee is formed to conduct an investigation into the allegations. The committee must validate the charges based on evidence.

3.     Parliamentary Approval: The motion must be passed by a two-thirds majority of members present and voting in both Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha.

4.     Presidential Action: Once both Houses pass the motion, the President is constitutionally bound to order the CEC’s removal. The President has no discretion in the matter once Parliament acts.

Unlike the CEC, Election Commissioners can only be removed on the recommendation of the CEC, further reinforcing the autonomy of the institution. No Chief Election Commissioner has ever been removed since India’s independence. The stringent constitutional process has so far acted as an effective safeguard against political interference, preserving the Election Commission''s credibility and neutrality.

NAVYA Initiative: Empowering Adolescent Girls Through Skilling

The Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship, in partnership with the Ministry of Women and Child Development, has launched the NAVYA initiative to empower adolescent girls aged 16 to 18 in India’s aspirational districts through vocational training and skill development.

NAVYA, which stands for "Nurturing Aspirations through Vocational Training for Young Adolescent Girls," is designed to enhance socio-economic independence among girls, particularly those from underserved and remote regions. The initiative aligns with both traditional and emerging employment sectors to ensure that participants gain relevant, market-ready skills.

The programme offers a comprehensive approach to personal and professional growth. It integrates vocational training with life skills, legal and health awareness, nutrition education, hygiene, financial literacy, and digital competency. The aim is not just to provide job-related skills but also to support the holistic development of young girls.

Under the initiative, 3,850 adolescent girls are being trained through the Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana 4.0 (PMKVY 4.0) in modern and non-traditional fields such as cybersecurity, artificial intelligence, digital marketing, and green jobs. These areas represent high-growth sectors with strong future employment potential.

The NAVYA initiative is a targeted effort to bridge the gap between education and livelihood for girls, fostering employability, entrepreneurship, and smooth transitions into internships and apprenticeships. It also reinforces gender-inclusive skilling frameworks and provides a safe, supportive learning environment aimed at building confidence and self-reliance.

Ministry of Tribal Affairs Launches the Adi Karmayogi Abhiyan

The Ministry of Tribal Affairs has officially introduced the Adi Karmayogi Abhiyan, an initiative aimed at revitalizing governance from the grassroots by embedding tribal values and empowering local tribal leaders. This campaign seeks to strengthen tribal communities through a people-centric and responsive governance model.

The campaign’s ambitious goal is to cultivate a network of 20 lakh change leaders spanning approximately 1 lakh villages, 550 districts, and 30 States and Union Territories. Central to this initiative are several institutional mechanisms designed to engage and empower tribal communities.

Among these is the establishment of Adi Sewa Kendras in all tribal villages, where officials and community members will dedicate one to two hours every fortnight—termed Adi Sewa Samay—to address local issues, mentor youth, and support governance efforts. Governance Lab Workshops will be held at multiple administrative levels—from state to village—bringing together various departments to collaboratively create solutions for tribal development. Tribal Village Action Plans will be jointly developed with villagers, outlining a vision for 2030 that aligns with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and broader national objectives.

Volunteer engagement forms another crucial component. The program encourages participation from professionals such as teachers and doctors, designated as Adi Sahyogi, who will mentor and mobilize communities. Local support networks including Self Help Groups (SHGs), National Rural Livelihood Mission (NRLM) members, tribal elders, youth, and local leaders—referred to as Adi Saathi—will help with outreach and implementation. Additionally, capacity-building initiatives will provide tribal youth, women, and leaders with training in governance, problem-solving, and social mobilization.

This initiative holds significant importance as part of Janjatiya Gaurav Varsh, contributing towards the vision of a developed India by 2047. It aims to empower tribal populations, enhance responsive governance, and promote local leadership. The campaign also complements ongoing flagship programs such as the Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan, PM-JANMAN, and the National Sickle Cell Anaemia Elimination Mission.

Chinese Foreign Minister’s First Visit Since LAC Tensions: Key Developments from the 24th Special Representatives’ Dialogue

The Chinese Foreign Minister recently undertook his first visit following the escalation along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), during which he co-chaired the 24th round of the Special Representatives’ (SRs) Dialogue alongside India’s National Security Advisor. This meeting resulted in several important agreements and understandings aimed at easing tensions and strengthening bilateral cooperation.

One of the primary outcomes was a consensus on border management. Both sides agreed to work towards a fair, reasonable, and mutually acceptable framework for resolving disputes, based on the 2005 Agreement on Political Parameters and Guiding Principles. To facilitate this, an Expert Group and a working group will be formed under the existing Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination. Furthermore, the parties pledged to utilize established diplomatic and military channels to manage ongoing tensions and initiate substantive discussions on de-escalation.

Both India and China committed to reviving previously suspended bilateral dialogue mechanisms. Among these is the High-level Mechanism on People-to-People Exchanges, which they agreed to restart in 2026. Commemorating 75 years of diplomatic relations, both countries plan to organize a series of events throughout 2025 to celebrate this milestone.

In the area of connectivity and cooperation, an agreement was reached to resume direct flights at the earliest opportunity. Additionally, India’s Kailash Mansarovar Yatra pilgrimage will be expanded in scale starting in 2026. Regarding trans-border rivers, the two sides reaffirmed their commitment to continue cooperation through the Expert-Level Mechanism, agreeing to share hydrological data promptly during emergencies. Furthermore, cross-border trade via the Lipulekh Pass in Uttarakhand, Shipki La Pass in Himachal Pradesh, and Nathu La Pass in Sikkim is set to be reopened, enhancing economic exchanges.