What lies beneath the surface of the F-35’s allure for India?

• In an unexpected move, US President Donald Trump has offered F-35 stealth fighter jets to India as part of efforts to strengthen bilateral defence ties and build a closer strategic partnership with New Delhi. He is looking to expand military deals and enhance cooperation between the two nations. This offer comes as the Indian Air Force (IAF) is exploring different options for new fighter jets, with several aircraft models already being considered for purchase.
• Earlier, the F-35 was not seen as a likely choice for India due to its highly sensitive technology and the fact that India already uses a large number of advanced Russian defence systems
• During Prime Minister Narendra Modi''s recent visit to Washington, DC, Trump offered India the F-35 fighter jets. This happened around the same time as the Aero India, 2025, air show was held at the Yelahanka Air Force Station in Bengaluru, where the F-35 was also showcased.
• Even before Trump assumed presidency, the US had already started seeing India as an important buyer of its military equipment. Last year, the Biden Administration had approved Indian defence deals worth nearly $4 billion. These included 31 MQ-9B Sky Guardian drones, up to 170 AGM-114R Hellfire missiles and 310 GBU-39B/B Laser Small Diameter Bombs.
• India has decided to buy six more P-8I Neptune maritime patrol aircraft to strengthen its ability to monitor, and protect, its waters. These aircraft are equipped with advanced radar and sensors, helping the Navy track enemy submarines and safeguard India''s coastline.
• Additionally, India is acquiring Javelin anti-armour missiles designed to destroy enemy tanks and heavily armoured vehicles. These missiles use a ''fire-and-forget'' system, meaning that, once launched, they automatically track and hit the target, making them highly effective in battle.
• India is also set to receive Stryker infantry combat vehicles, which provide soldiers with armoured protection and mobility on the battlefield. These vehicles are built to move quickly across rough terrain, helping troops stay safe while advancing in combat zones.
• India has also secured agreements to locally manufacture both Javelin missiles and Stryker vehicles, boosting its defence industry. This move will reduce dependence on foreign suppliers and create new jobs in the country''s defence sector.
• There have been discussions in the past about the likelihood of the US offering F-35 stealth fighters to India. In 2018, a top US military official from the Pacific Command reportedly expressed support for selling these advanced jets to India, highlighting potential defence cooperation between the two countries.
• Lockheed Martin is eager to collaborate with both the US and Indian governments on future defence deals. These include fighter jets, Javelin missiles, and helicopters, which will strengthen India''s military with modern technology and enhance its ability to tackle security challenges effectively. This will be a major milestone in strengthening the defence partnership between the US and India, further deepening their strategic ties and cooperation.
• Lockheed Martin has been working closely with India for more than 30 years, playing an important role in developing the country''s aerospace and defence industry. The company has helped build a strong foundation for military aircraft, weapons and defence technology, making India more self-reliant in this field.
• India''s defence industry has benefited from key manufacturing projects, including the C-130J transport aircraft, the S-92 helicopter cabins and fighter jet wings, which are also a segment of the global supply chain. Lockheed Martin has played a significant role in supporting these efforts.
• The IAF is looking to add 114 new fighter jets from foreign manufacturers as part of its Multirole Fighter Aircraft (MRFA) programme. This is one of the most important defence projects aimed at strengthening India''s air power. India has already bought 36 Dassault Rafale jets under a different deal. And now, the aircraft is one of the contenders in the MRFA competition.
• When India first announced the requirement for 114 fighter jets, it was meant only for single-engine aircraft, which, automatically, excluded the French Rafale. However, over time, the competition has expanded to include a wider range of fighter jets. Now, such aircraft as the F-15EX and the F/A-18E/F Super Hornet are also being considered, showing that the selection process is now open to both single-engine and twin-engine fighter jets.
• European contenders for India''s fighter jet competition include the Eurofighter Typhoon and the Saab Gripen E/F. Meanwhile, Russia has put forward its Su-57 Felon, a stealth fighter also showcased at Aero India, 2025.
• If India chooses to go with a single-engine fighter, the F-21 a special version of the F-16 designed for India could also be a strong contender. The F-35 is also a single-engine fighter, but it stands out with its advanced technology and superior capabilities, setting it apart from other choices.
• India is unlikely to manufacture the F-35 locally any time soon, and it is uncertain whether New Delhi will be willing to waive this requirement. Instead, the stealth fighter may come with other benefits, such as manufacturing certain parts in India, or sharing some technology.
• This could be valuable for India as it develops its own next-generation fighter, the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA). However, India''s strong defence ties with Russia may still impose some restrictions.
• The MRFA programme aims at providing temporary fighter jets to strengthen the IAF, which is facing a shortage. These jets will help bridge the gap until India''s own fifth-generation fighter, the AMCA, is ready for service.
• Similar to other fighter jets in its class, the AMCA will have a stealthy design with internal weapons storage. It will also include advanced technology, such as AESA radar and modern avionics. From the start, it is being designed to work alongside drones as part of a manned-unmanned team.
• Recent reports suggest the AMCA may not be ready for service until 2036. However, it is still uncertain whether an F-35 deal could happen within this period. If India could acquire the F-35, it would provide a ready-made solution to significantly boost the IAF''s strength especially as China''s military advancements continue to grow rapidly. The F-35 could greatly reshape the IAF and influence its future plans for fighter jets.
• India actively buys defence equipment from Russia, including air defence systems. India uses the S-400 long-range air defence system the same weapon that previously got Turkey removed from the F-35 programme. Lately, the US seems more open to selling the F-35 to Turkey, but only if Turkey agrees to give up its S-400 systems.
• Turkey refused to give up its S-400 systems and, as a result, lost both its F-35s and its role in the programme. If India were given the same choice, it is uncertain whether it would agree. Unlike Turkey, which has bought only a few Russian weapons, India has been one of Russia''s biggest arms buyers for a long time. This has created a strong military partnership and a powerful Russian influence in India''s defence sector.
• Before Trump''s announcement, Indian defence journalist Angad Singh, who writes for The War Zone, pointed out that the S-400 is a major obstacle to any potential F-35 deal. He explained that, regardless of US political changes, India''s use of the S-400 and other Soviet, or Russian-made, military equipment makes acquiring the F-35 more complicated.
• With changes in US politics and foreign policy, India''s ties with Russia and its use of Russian weapons may no longer be a major obstacle to buying the F-35. There is also a possibility that India could strike a deal to replace the S-400 with similar US air defence systems. Trump''s proposal to offer the F-35 to India is important. But many challenges still need to be addressed before a formal deal can take shape. Right now, the US is reassessing its policy on selling fifth-generation fighters to India. What happens next is uncertain, as India''s fighter jet purchases are often unpredictable.
• Apart from the issue of F-35, it is important to note that the US government is making more efforts to strengthen its defence partnership with India. Besides selling more military equipment and not just fighter jets the US may see an opportunity to strengthen its defence ties with India by taking advantage of Russia''s weaker position in global affairs. This is particularly important for the Indo-Pacific region, where both the US and India see China as their main security challenge and strategic competitor.
• After meeting Prime Minister Modi, Trump stated that strong cooperation between the US, India, Australia and Japan was essential for maintaining peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. The F-35 offer is not just a major fighter jet deal for the US, but also aimed at weakening India''s defence ties with Russia, while strengthening India''s military to counter China in the Indo-Pacific region.

What are sovereign green bonds? Why is demand for such bonds weak in India?

• Green bonds help governments raise capital for clean energy and infrastructure. But India’s issues have struggled to secure lower borrowing costs typically associated with such bonds
• Like several emerging markets, India also turned to sovereign green bonds to help fund its transition to a low-carbon economy, but investor demand remains weak.
• While green bonds help governments raise capital for clean energy and infrastructure, India’s issues have struggled to secure a meaningful ‘greenium’— lower borrowing costs typically associated with such bonds. As a result, planned allocations for key schemes, including grid-scale solar, have been slashed.
• With muted investor interest, India is relying on general revenue to bridge funding gaps. Addressing liquidity issues, improving reporting transparency, and exploring sustainability bonds could help boost demand and expand green finance in the country

What are green bonds?

• Green bonds are debt instruments issued by governments, corporations, and multilateral banks to raise funds for projects that reduce emissions or enhance climate resilience.
• Issuers typically offer green bonds at lower yields than conventional bonds, assuring investors that the proceeds will be used exclusively for green investments. The difference in yield — known as the green premium, or greenium — determines the cost advantage of green bonds. A higher greenium allows issuers to raise funds at lower costs, making green investments more attractive.
• Investors in green bonds often seek stable, long-term returns, and may also have internal or external mandates to allocate a portion of their funds to green financing. Despite their potential, green bonds constitute a small part of the debt market and overall climate financing, as governments strengthen reporting practices and introduce incentives to attract investors.

Why green bonds?

• Sovereign green bonds (SGrBs) are those that are issued by sovereign entities, like the Government of India, which formulated a framework for issuing such bonds in 2022. The framework defines “green projects” as those that encourage energy efficiency in resource utilisation, reduce carbon emissions, promote climate resilience, and improve natural ecosystems.
• Since 2022-23, India has issued SGrBs eight times, and raised almost Rs 53,000 crore. Each year, the government uses roughly 50% of proceeds from SGrBs to fund production of energy efficient three-phase electric locomotives through the Ministry of Railways.
• For 2024-25, the revised estimates for allocations to schemes eligible under SGrBs include Rs 12,600 crore for electric locomotive manufacturing, roughly Rs 8,000 crore for metro projects, Rs 4,607 crore for renewable energy projects, including the National Green Hydrogen Mission, and Rs 124 crore for afforestation under the National Mission for a Green India.

Why are investors not excited?

• India’s SGrB issues have struggled to gain traction due to muted investor demand, making it difficult for the government to secure a greenium. Despite efforts, including easing rules for foreign investors, auctions have seen limited participation, with bonds often devolving to primary dealers.
• While globally greeniums have reached 7-8 basis points, in India it is often at just 2–3 basis points. This limits the expansion of SGrBs as a viable funding source.
• A key challenge is liquidity. Small issue sizes and investors holding bonds until maturity have stifled secondary market trading, reducing their appeal. Additionally, India lacks a strong ecosystem of social impact funds and responsible investing mandates, which in other markets drive green bond demand.

Why does this matter?

• The government’s inability to raise adequate proceeds from SGrBs impacts funding for schemes eligible under it and increases pressure on general revenue to meet the shortfall.
• Initially, the estimated funding requirement from SGrB proceeds for 2024-25 stood at Rs 32,061 crore. However, after unsuccessful attempts to sell SGrBs due to higher yields cited by investors, the revised estimate has been lowered to Rs 25,298 crore.
• As a result, allocation for a scheme promoting grid-scale solar projects has been slashed from Rs 10,000 crore to Rs 1,300 crore.
• The total expenditure in the current financial year will be made against expected proceeds amounting to Rs 21,697 crore, and to bridge the shortfall, roughly Rs 3,600 crore will be drawn from the government’s general revenue.

What can be the way forward?

• According to a recent World Bank report, emerging market sovereign issuers tend to issue more bonds that finance a combination of green and social projects compared to advanced market sovereign issuers, which overwhelmingly issue green bonds.
• In other words, bonds for projects that combine green and social projects, also known as sustainability bonds, could boost investor interest and increase proceeds from issues.
• The report also noted that sovereigns take considerable time to prepare the post-issuance allocation and impact report, which impacts investor interest.
• “Most [investors] highlighted that the information provided in the allocation and impact report is used to assess the use of proceeds, screen the issuer’s bonds for inclusion in their portfolio, and use the quantitative data to further refine their internal data models and methodology,” it said.
• The Department of Economic Affairs, which oversees allocation of proceeds, hasn’t yet published the allocation report for 2023-24.

India, Malaysia expand defence ties, advance Su-30 upkeep cooperation

• India and Malaysia on Wednesday moved forward towards enhancing cooperation between the Indian Air Force (IAF) and the Royal Malaysian Air Force (RMAF) in exchanging expertise and best practices for maintaining their respective Russian-origin Sukhoi-30 (Su-30) combat aircraft fleets, while also enhancing cooperation in the defence industry, maritime security, multilateral engagements, and other key emerging areas during Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh''s visit to Kuala Lumpur.
• "Both sides also exchanged the finalised terms of reference (ToR) on the establishment of the Su-30 forum, as an outcome of the Malaysia-India Defence Cooperation Committee (MIDCOM)," an official Ministry of Defence (MoD) release stated, adding that the forum "will enable closer cooperation between the two air forces in exchanging expertise and best practices in Su-30 maintenance".
• Both countries also took steps to strengthen bilateral defence cooperation during the 13th meeting of MIDCOM, held in Kuala Lumpur on Wednesday. The meeting was co-chaired by Defence Secretary Singh and Secretary General of Malaysia’s Ministry of Defence, Lokman Hakim Bin Ali. According to the MoD release, "Both sides expressed happiness at the growing bilateral defence cooperation with regular engagements between the two armed forces in recent years."
• The two sides held wide-ranging discussions on practical and effective initiatives to expand bilateral defence engagements and broaden coordination on regional and global issues, as stated in the MoD release. The co-chairs identified steps to enhance cooperation in emerging areas such as cybersecurity and artificial intelligence, while also exploring ways to deepen existing collaboration in the defence industry, maritime security, and multilateral engagements. They further agreed to establish a joint focus group to address non-traditional maritime security threats.
• Both sides reaffirmed their commitment to fully implementing the new initiatives under the defence pillar of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, as envisioned by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Malaysian Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim during the latter’s visit to India in August 2024.
• India and Malaysia also exchanged the finalised ToR on the establishment of a Strategic Affairs Working Group. The MoD release stated that the forum will function as an intermediate consultative mechanism between the MIDCOM and the two sub-committees to advance all aspects of bilateral defence cooperation.
• The defence secretary highlighted the capability of the Indian defence industry, particularly its potential to collaborate with Malaysian companies and the armed forces in their capability enhancement and modernisation. He congratulated Malaysia on assuming the chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the ASEAN Defence Ministers'' Meeting-Plus (ADMM-Plus) and wished the Malaysian Ministry of Defence the best for conducting ADMM-Plus and the ASEAN Defence Senior Officials'' Meeting this year.
•  According to the MoD release, India supports "ASEAN centrality and unity," a crucial element of New Delhi''s Indo-Pacific Vision. The defence secretary reiterated India’s support for Malaysia’s role as ASEAN chair in promoting a stronger, unified, and prosperous ASEAN that plays a central role in shaping the evolving dynamics of the Indo-Pacific region.
• The MoD release stated, "India considers Malaysia an important partner in the Indo-Pacific, as Malaysia lies at the confluence of three key foreign policy visions: the Act East Policy, SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region), and the Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative."
• The IAF currently operates 259 Su-30MKI aircraft, an India-specific upgraded variant of the twin-engine, multirole air superiority fighter, most of which were licence-produced by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) and form the backbone of its combat fleet.
•  Twelve additional aircraft worth Rs 12,573 crore are on order, and HAL expects approval for the Su-30MKI upgrade programme within the next 12 months, ensuring the aircraft retain their air combat capability for another 30 years. FlightGlobal''s 2025 World Air Forces directory reports that the RMAF operates 18 Su-30MKMs.

Storms, droughts, displacement: How climate change is hitting India''s tribes

• India is home to 104 million Indigenous people, about 8.6% of the population, according to The Indigenous World 2023. Their strong connection to nature also makes them particularly vulnerable to extreme weather driven by climate change.
• If you see ants building mounds along the sides of their nests, would it mean anything to you? For the Toba tribe of the Nilgiri Hills, it signals that rain is on the way. This deep understanding of the natural world is a key reason many Indigenous communities remain resilient despite growing challenges.
• Floods, unpredictable rainfall, rising temperatures, and deforestation are among the many threats to their traditional way of life.
• Yet, Indigenous cultures hold valuable knowledge that can contribute to climate adaptation.
• The Cancun Adaptation Framework (CAF) recognises the importance of integrating traditional wisdom into national adaptation efforts. Sustainable farming, ecosystem management, and Indigenous weather forecasting are just a few time-tested methods that offer practical solutions to climate-related challenges.

Deforestation and Land Degradation

• Indigenous groups have been depending on forest resources for cultural practices and sustenance for a number of generations. However, their way of existence has been threatened by widespread destruction of land and deforestation. As reported by Global Forest Watch, India lost 414,000 hectares of humid primary forest (4.1%) between 2002 and 2023. This loss represents 18% of the nation''s overall decline in tree cover during the same time frame.
• The most recent report from the Global Forest Watch monitoring project reveals that India has lost 2.33 million hectares of tree cover since 2000, a 6% decrease. Communities are being displaced and traditional land-use practices are being harmed by the increasing rate of forest clearing without first consulting Indigenous peoples.

Climate Displacement and Food Insecurity

• The rate of climate displacement faced by tribal populations is nearly seven times higher than the global average. Food insecurity and eating habits changes are just two of the serious consequences of forced migration caused by floods, droughts, and cyclones.
• A shift toward market-based diets which often lack dietary nutrients is due to the decline of traditional food sources including river fish, local cereals, and forest produce. Indigenous populations have become more prone to disease outbreaks and mental health problems as a result of this change, which also increases risks for health and malnutrition.
• Indigenous communities have developed sophisticated weather prediction methods based on natural observations. The Toda tribe of the Nilgiri Hills in Tamil Nadu predicts the monsoon''s arrival by observing ant behavior.
• When ants begin building small mounds near their nests, it signals impending rainfall. Similarly, the Jarawa tribe of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands can forecast cyclone intensity by observing fish behavior.
• If fish swim in shallow waters near the shore, it often indicates an approaching storm. These traditional methods, rooted in local ecological knowledge, are often more reliable than modern meteorological predictions, emphasizing the importance of blending traditional wisdom with modern technology.

Sustainable Ecosystem Management

• Indigenous communities have always played a key role in managing ecosystems sustainably, helping to protect natural resources and biodiversity. In Meghalaya, the Khasi community practices agroforestry to keep the environment in balance. They use home gardens, shifting farming, and responsibly manage forest resources as part of their food system.
• Similarly, the Bishnoi people are deeply committed to nature, following strict conservation practices such as protecting wildlife, saving water, and planting trees. These traditional methods offer important lessons on how to build resilience to climate change and restore the environment.
• Traditional farming methods are important for climate-resilient agriculture. In India, various tribes use their knowledge to farm sustainably. The Apatani tribes grow rice and fish together and use smart irrigation. In the cold deserts of Himachal Pradesh, the Lahaul tribes gather ice water and practice agroforestry to keep farming during winter.
• The Dongria Kondh tribes in the Eastern Ghats grow different crops and use organic farming to cope with dry conditions. The Irular tribes in the Western Ghats use natural pest control and store seeds to make farming more sustainable. These methods help secure food and protect nature while adapting to climate change.

Community Resilience and Disaster Preparedness

• Indigenous communities have strong social structures that promote resilience and cooperation during crises. The Mising community in Assam, for instance, has developed adaptive practices to combat frequent flooding. Elevated houses (chang ghars), community-led disaster response strategies, and traditional flood-resistant crop varieties help them cope with climate risks.
• Similarly, the Kadar tribe of Kerala practices sustainable forest management, ensuring the long-term availability of essential resources like honey and medicinal plants.

Integrating Indigenous Knowledge with Modern Technology

• An integrated approach that combines modern science with Indigenous knowledge is important for tackling the problems brought on by climate change and extreme weather events. Incorporating Indigenous weather forecasting techniques may enhance satellite-based early warning systems. For greater climate resilience, national afforestation efforts can incorporate Indigenous communities'' agroforestry practices.
• In order to make sure that Indigenous viewpoints are heard in the formulation of policies and plans for climate adaptation, it is also essential that we promote local initiatives.
• Indigenous communities in India continue to contend with a serious danger from extreme weather events.
• While problems like food hunger, biodiversity loss, and displacement are becoming more severe, Indigenous communities have a centuries-old knowledge system that can make an important contribution to resilience and climate adaptation.
• It is necessary to acknowledge and combine these ancient methods with contemporary findings from science in order to arrive at long-term solutions that will help both Indigenous communities and the rest of the population.
•  

Gyanesh Kumar becomes CEC: How the appointment process has changed

• The government elevated Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar as the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC). Kumar is the first CEC to be appointed under the new law on the appointment of the members of the Election Commission.

What is the new selection process for the Chief Election Commissioner?

• According to The Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners Act, 2023, the Chief Election Commissioner and Election Commissioners are appointed by the President upon the recommendation of a selection committee, which consists of:
•  1. Prime Minister
• 2. A Union Cabinet Minister
• 3. Leader of Opposition or leader of the largest opposition party in the Lok Sabha
• The Act also states that a search committee, headed by the Cabinet Secretary, will propose a panel of names to the selection committee.

How were the Election Commissioners appointed earlier?

• The Election Commission derives its authority from Article 324 of the Constitution, which states: "The Election Commission will comprise the Chief Election Commissioner and such number of Election Commissioners, as the President may decide."
• Earlier, the appointment of Election Commissioners was regulated by the Election Commission (Conditions of Service of Election Commissioners and Transaction of Business) Act, 1991. This Act, however, did not define the selection process. As a result, the President appointed the Election Commissioners on the advice of the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers.

What has changed under the new Act?

• Salary: Under the 1991 Act, the salary of the Election Commissioners was equivalent to that of a Supreme Court judge. However, the new Act defines the salary and conditions of service of the CEC and ECs as equivalent to that of a Cabinet Secretary.
• Eligibility: Previously, there were no specific eligibility criteria for the selection of the CEC and ECs. The new Act now specifies that candidates must:
• 1. Be persons of integrity
• 2. Have knowledge and experience in the management and conduct of elections
• 3. Be or have been a Secretary (or equivalent) to the government.

What remains unchanged

• Term and reappointment: The Act keeps the tenure conditions unchanged to six years or until the attainment of 65 years of age. Members of the Commission cannot be reappointed.
• Removal: The Act also retains the removal process for CEC and ECs as specified in the Constitution. The CEC may be removed in the same manner as applicable for a Supreme Court judge. ECs may only be removed upon the recommendation of the CEC.
• The Constitution states: "The Chief Election Commissioner shall not be removed from his office except in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court."

Why did the process change?

• In the Anoop Baranwal vs Union of India judgment, the Supreme Court observed that the Election Commission is an independent body and, therefore, the selection process of its commissioners should not be solely determined by the Executive.
• The apex court suggested that Parliament should enact a law defining the selection process. Meanwhile, the court directed that until such a law was in place, appointments should be made by the President based on the recommendation of a Selection Committee.
• The Supreme Court''s prescribed Selection Committee consisted of:
• 1. Prime Minister
• 2. The Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha
• 3. The Chief Justice of India
• However, the new Act replaced the Chief Justice of India on the Selection Committee with a Union Minister nominated by the Prime Minister, effectively increasing the Executive''s control over appointments.

Legal challengE:

• After the new law was passed, multiple petitions were filed in the Supreme Court, challenging its validity. The petitions also sought to put on hold the appointment of two Election Commissioners in March 2024 under The Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners Act, 2023.
• The apex court declined to stay the appointments but agreed to hear the matter. A final judgment on the issue is still pending
• Election commissioner Gyanesh Kumar was appointed as the next Chief Election Commissioner.
• In exercise of powers conferred by section 4 of the Chief Election Commissioner and other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023, President Droupadi Murmu has appointed Gyanesh Kumar as Chief Election Commissioner in the Election Commission of India, with effect from February 19. 
• He will succeed Rajiv Kumar who will demit the office of Chief Election Commissioner on February 18.
• Rajiv Kumar had joined EC as Election Commissioner on September 1, 2020 and assumed charge as the 25th Chief Election Commissioner on May 15, 2022. 
• Gyanesh Kumar is the first CEC to be appointed under the new law on the appointment of the members of the Election Commission. His term will run till January 26, 2029.
• Vivek Joshi, a 1989-batch Haryana cadre Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer, has been appointed as an election commissioner. Born on May 21, 1966, Joshi (58) will serve in the poll panel till 2031.
• Sukhbir Singh Sandhu is the other election commissioner. He joined the EC on March 14, 2024. He is a 1988-batch IAS officer from Uttarakhand cadre.

Who is Gyanesh Kumar?

• Gyanesh Kumar is a 1988-batch Kerala cadre IAS officer.
• After completing his B.Tech in Civil Engineering from the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), Kanpur, he studied Business Finance in ICFAI, India and Environmental Economics in HIID, Harvard University, US.
• He has worked in the government of Kerala as the assistant collector of Ernakulam, sub-collector of Adoor, managing director of the Kerala State Development Corporation for SC/ST, municipal commissioner of the Corporation of Cochin, besides holding other posts.
• • As a secretary to the government of Kerala, Kumar handled diverse departments, such as finance resources, fast-track projects and the public works department.
• • In the central government, he has rich experience of working as the joint secretary in the Ministry of Defence, joint secretary and additional secretary in the Ministry of Home Affairs, secretary in the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs and secretary in the Ministry of Cooperation.
• • Kumar played a key role in implementing decisions following the abrogation of Article 370 of the Constitution in Jammu & Kashmir during his stint in the Ministry of Home Affairs.
• • He took charge as an election commissioner on March 15, 2024.
• • During his tenure as the 26th CEC, Kumar will oversee the Bihar Assembly polls later this year, and the Kerala and Puducherry Assembly polls in 2026.
• • Similarly, he will oversee the Assembly polls in Tamil Nadu and West Bengal, which are also due in 2026.

Election Commission of India

•  The Election Commission of India (EC) is a permanent independent constitutional body created under Article 324 of the Indian Constitution. 
• The EC was set up on January 25, 1950, on the eve of India becoming a sovereign democratic republic with its headquarters in New Delhi. 

Functions of EC

• EC is vested with the powers and responsibilities of superintendence, direction and control of the entire process of preparation and revision of electoral rolls for, and conduct of, elections to the houses of Parliament and Legislatures of the states and the Union Territories and of elections to the offices of President and Vice-President. 
• It prepares, maintains and periodically updates (new registration, modification and deletion as per guidelines) the electoral rolls, registers political parties/candidates, supervises the whole process of conducting election, monitors the election campaigns, including funding and expenditure of candidates, maintaining Model Code of Conduct (MCC) to make the entire electoral process free fair democratic and accessible for all its stakeholders. 
• It also facilitates coverage of the election process by the media, carries out the voter education and awareness measures, organises the polling stations/ booths where voting takes place, and oversees under stringent surveillance mechanisms the counting of votes and the declaration of results. 
• EC has introduced polling through EVMs (Electronic Voting Machines) and recently, introduced VVPAT (Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail) with an intention to enhance transparency and credibility of all the stakeholders in the electoral process. 
• The poll panel has provided for compulsory identification at the time of voting by means of Electors’ Photo Identity Cards (EPICs) and distribution of Photo Voter Slips to all electors close to polls. 
• Elections are conducted according to the constitutional provisions, supplemented by laws made by Parliament and rules and orders made thereunder. 
• The major laws are: 
• i) The Presidential and Vice-Presidential Elections Act, 1952.
• ii) The Representation of the People Act, 1950.
• iii) The Representation of the People Act, 1951. 
• All political parties are required to get themselves registered with the Election Commission. Based on performance criteria laid down in the Election Symbols (Reservation & Allotment) Order 1968, the EC grants recognition to political parties as national or state parties. It also decides disputes relating to splits/mergers of recognised political parties.

Multi-member Commission

• The first Chief Election Commissioner (Sukumar Sen) was appointed on March 21, 1950. 
• Originally, the commission had only a Chief Election Commissioner. It currently consists of the Chief Election Commissioner and two election commissioners.
• Two additional commissioners were first appointed on October 16, 1989, but they had a very short tenure till January 1, 1990. Later, on October 1, 1993, two additional election commissioners were appointed.
• The concept of multi-member Commission has been in operation since 1993, with decision making power by majority vote.

 Keynote Address by EAM Dr. S. Jaishankar at Indian Ocean Conference 2025

• Changes in the global order may be expressed through new ideas and concepts. But they are also reflected in the evolving landscape.
• The Indian Ocean region is no exception to that rule. And this matters not just to us as inhabitants of this community, but given our salience in so many dimensions, to other regions and nations as well. After all, as we heard from previous speakers, the Indian Ocean is veritably a global lifeline.
•  It’s production, consumption, contribution and connectivity is central to the manner in which the world runs today.
• At the two ends of the ocean, this churn is at its sharpest today. In the Middle East/West Asia, there is a serious conflict underway with the potential for further escalation and complication.
• At the same time, longstanding issues are being revisited, sometimes with a radically different approach. Its maritime consequence is visible in a serious disruption of global shipping, with considerable cost to our economies. There are questions which arise from our ability and willingness to respond, as indeed from the partnerships relevant to that task.
• At the other end, the Indo-Pacific has been witnessing deeper tensions and sharper contestations. The scenario is intrinsically maritime in nature, involving respect for and observance of international law. There are other concerns, some related and some autonomous.
•  Stronger assertions of interests is one issue; concern about unilateral changes to the status quo another. From India’s own experience, we can say that adhering to agreements and understandings is a central element to ensuring stability and predictability.
• The region in between is where most of us come from, being littoral states or island nations of the Indian ocean. Each country has its individual challenge, but nevertheless, there are some general trends worth noting.
• Many are developmental in character but do, in some form or the other, impinge on maritime behaviour. Like other parts of the Global South, the Indian Ocean nations too face resource constraints and economic headwinds.
• Many of them are struggling to meet their SDG targets. In quite a few cases, debt is a serious concern. Some of that arises from stresses of the international economy, but in certain cases, from imprudent borrowing and unviable projects.
• Another common issue is that of rebuilding connectivity in the region, after decades of colonial – era disruption.
• To make this a truly shared endeavor, it is vital to ensure that connectivity initiatives are consultative and transparent, not unilateral and opaque. Yet another widespread concern is the challenge faced by Indian Ocean states to monitor their EEZ and secure their fishing interests.
• Nor can they be impervious to illegal trafficking of various kinds and the specter of terrorism. Each of these dimensions – and certainly their cumulative impact – has a strong maritime implication. Our journey to new horizons must necessarily focus on addressing these challenges.

How is India contributing to those endeavors?

• Obviously, by rapidly strengthening its own capabilities and forging partnerships with Indian Ocean neighbours, near and far. But also, by shouldering responsibilities, stepping up in times of trouble and providing leadership where required. Let me underline this by providing 10 relevant examples :
• One, Stabilising economies and societies under stress would surely rank among the most important. As the impact of COVID and conflict unfolded, India was the source of vaccines, medicines, food, fuel and fertilizer for many others. The biggest commitment it made was to Sri Lanka – a financial package of USD 4 billion to stabilize its economy that had slid into a crisis.
• Two, the India – Middle East – Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) and the India Myanmar Thailand Trilateral Highway (IMTT) would be among the two key collaborative connectivity initiatives under consideration.
• The International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC) is another significant example. India is obviously the common element in all of them. IMEC and INSTC have an explicit maritime segment, while the IMTT would provide a land link between India and the Pacific.
• Three, we have increasingly been active in a First Responder mode in the Indian Ocean region. This could be the conflict in Yemen, natural disasters in Mozambique, Sri Lanka or Myanmar, earthquake in Nepal and Turkiye or a water crisis in the Maldives. Both off Mauritius and Sri Lanka, India has responded to significant oil spills.
• Four, recognizing that an institutional response is required for disaster situations, India has been active in encouraging plurilateral cooperation. The most notable of these is the Quad initiative that encourages interoperability and cooperation for such contingencies. Similarly, the ReCAAP centre at Singapore to which India contributes helps address the challenge of piracy.
• Five, in a world of increasing traditional and non – traditional threats in the maritime domain, it is essential that there is a common operating picture as well as shared platforms. The International Fusion Centre located outside Delhi aims to do just that. By establishing coastal surveillance radars and partnering on White Shipping agreements, maritime traffic is made safer and more secure for our collective benefit.
• Six, it is unfortunately not just enough to prepare or even prevent. Extreme situations sometimes require a robust countering, including through the deployment of naval forces. For more than a year now, India has been doing precisely that in the Northern Arabian Sea and Gulf of Aden. Today, we are seeing some improvement in maritime safety and security as a result of such coordinated responses.
• Seven, training and equipping other navies and coast guards is a natural extension of this approach. India has such collaboration with a range of countries, from Vietnam to Mauritius and Mozambique to Sri Lanka.
• Eight, ensuring trusted communication in a digital era is a crucial national security objective for many of us. This is a task too big to be attempted by most individual nations. Participating in consortiums is therefore an inevitable outcome. Both as government and as vendor, India is contributing its fair share and more in this regard. The visit just concluded of PM Modi to the US highlighted this particular dimension.
• Nine, in a globalized world, there is a growing realization that distance cannot be a justification for agnosticism on matters key to global welfare. As a result, the Indo – Pacific is experiencing activity of both resident and non – resident powers. Harmonizing them is a challenge that India, in particular, is well placed to address. It has the confidence of the Global South as well as the credentials to engage major powers. We strive to ensure that agendas alien to our ethos and outlook are not inserted in the region. And equally encourage respect for UNCLOS in both spirit and letter.
• And finally tenth, India has been energetic in institution - building in the Indian Ocean region. We have the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) whose current Secretary General is a senior Indian diplomat.
•  We have BIMSTEC, whose SG is here today. We look forward to the BIMSTEC Summit soon. There is the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS), which is a productive conclave of naval representatives.
• There is the Colombo Security Conclave and there is the India Indo-Pacific Oceans Intiative. And of course, we have the Indian Ocean Conference itself, which brings together so many stakeholders at various levels.

What is the Indian Ocean Conference?

• The Indian Ocean Conference was started by India Foundation in 2016 at Singapore, with participation from 30 countries.
• Over the years, the Conference has emerged as the flagship consultative forum for countries over regional affairs. 
• The Conference endeavours to bring critical states and principal maritime partners of the region together on a common platform to deliberate upon the prospects of regional cooperation for Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR).
• This year’s theme is ‘Voyages to New Horizons of Maritime Partnership’.

The Indian Ocean

• As the third largest ocean woven together by trade routes, commands control of major sea-lanes carrying half of the world’s container ships, one third of the world’s bulk cargo traffic and two thirds of the world’s oil shipments, the Indian Ocean remains an important lifeline to international trade and transport.
• The ocean lies at the heart of the economic and civilisational impulses that stretch from the eastern and southern shores of Africa all the way up to Australia.
• The natural construct of the region has left behind global romanticism enveloping alliances of the past. The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has emerged as a microcosm of partnerships, collaborations, and bilateral and multilateral dependence.
• Home to nearly 2.7 billion people, member states whose shores are washed by the ocean are rich in cultural diversity and richness in languages, religions, traditions, arts and cuisines.
• They vary considerably in terms of their areas, populations and levels of economic development. They may also be divided into a number of sub-regions (Australasia, Southeast Asia, South Asia, West Asia and Eastern & Southern Africa), each with their own regional groupings (such as ASEAN, SAARC, GCC and SADC, to name a few). Despite such diversity and differences, these countries are bound together by the Indian Ocean.
•  India, being strategically located in the Indian Ocean Region with an extensive coastline and presence of several islands, has a long maritime tradition. This has helped the country to forge deep rooted commercial, cultural and religious ties with countries in the region over centuries and evolve a vision that encompasses the interests of all.

Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR)

• In March 2015, Prime Minister Narendra Modi put forward the concept of ‘Security and Growth for All in the Region’ (SAGAR), proposing a holistic vision for India’s engagement with this region.
• In its implementation, this approach includes:
• a) Projects to promote hinterland linkages and strengthen regional connectivity.
• b) Linking South Asia to Southeast Asia (Act East) and to the Gulf (Think West).
• c) Playing an active and constructive role in strengthening regional maritime security.

 Union Carbide waste disposal: Supreme Court issues notice to Centre, MP

• The Supreme Court  issued notice to the Centre and Madhya Pradesh government on a plea challenging a High Court order to shift “hazardous” chemical waste from the defunct Union Carbide factory, the site of the 1984 Bhopal Gas tragedy, to Pithampur in the state.
• A bench of Justices B R Gavai and A G Masih agreed to hear next week the plea which claimed the direction to dispose of the waste in Pithampur involves “significant public health and environmental risks”.
• Locals in Pithampur are fiercely opposed to the planned disposal, near their town, of the waste linked to the 1984 Bhopal Gas Tragedy which killed more than 5,000 people.It has carried out an awareness campaign and now a trial run of the disposal should be allowed, the government requested the court.
• Methyl isocyanate, a highly toxic gas, leaked from Union Carbide''s pesticide factory in Bhopal on the intervening night of December 2-3, 1984, killing as many as 5,479 people within a few days and leaving thousands with serious health problems and long-term disabilities.
•  The disposal of hazardous waste of 1984 Bhopal gas tragedy near Indore came under the Supreme Court’s scanner, which sought responses from the Centre, Madhya Pradesh and its pollution control board.
• The Supreme Court agreed to hear a plea challenging the December 3, 2024 and January 6 this year orders of the Madhya Pradesh High Court.
• The top court took note of a plea raising the issue of right to health and the risk to the inhabitants of nearby areas, including the city of Indore.
• Locals in Pithampur are fiercely opposed to the planned disposal in their region. 

1984 Bhopal gas tragedy

• It is considered the world''s worst industrial disaster.
• Even after 40 years, a sense of closure eludes some survivors who are afflicted by congenital disorders.

Transport of toxic waste

• On December 3, 2024, the Madhya Pradesh High Court rebuked authorities for not clearing the Union Carbide site in Bhopal despite directions from even the Supreme Court.
•  The High Court set a four-week deadline to shift the waste, observing that even 40 years after the gas tragedy, authorities were in a “state of inertia”.
• The HC bench had warned the government of contempt proceedings if its directive was not followed.
• The hazardous waste of around 377 tonnes was transported in 12 sealed container trucks from Madhya Pradesh capital Bhopal to Pithampur industrial area in Dhar district, located 250 km away.
• A green corridor was created for the nearly seven-hour journey of the vehicles to the Pithampur industrial area in Dhar district.
• Amid tight security, the vehicles reached a factory in Pithampur where the waste will be disposed of.

Disposal of the waste

• The waste included remnants of Sevin, a pesticide produced at the Union Carbide factory, methyl isocyanate (MIC), the gas that caused thousands of deaths during the disaster, reactor residues, contaminated soil and other chemicals used at the plant.
• The incineration of the waste will happen at the Pithampur unit over a period of 180 days. 
• If everything is found to be fine, the waste will be incinerated within three months. Otherwise, it might take up to nine months, officials said.
• Initially, some of the waste will be burnt at the disposal unit in Pithampur and the residue (ash) will be examined to find whether any harmful elements are left.
• The smoke from the incinerator will pass through special four-layer filters so that the surrounding air is not polluted.
• Once it is confirmed that no traces of toxic elements are left, the ash will be covered by a two-layer membrane and buried to ensure it does not come in contact with soil and water in any way.
• A team of experts under the supervision of officials of the Central Pollution Control Board and State Pollution Control Board will carry out the process.

IndiaTDS-1: A giant leap for India''s private space sector

• India is on the verge of a major advancement in its space programme with the upcoming launch of Technology Demonstration Satellite-1 (TDS-1). Set for the third quarter of 2025, this mission is not only a technological milestone but also a pioneering achievement for the country’s growing private space sector.
• For the first time, a Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV), India’s reliable space launch vehicle has been entirely manufactured by private industry, reflecting the nation’s increasing confidence in its homegrown space capabilities.
• This PSLV has been developed by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) and Larsen & Toubro (L&T), marking a shift from traditional rocket manufacturing, which was previously led by the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO).
• The rocket will transport TDS-1 into a sun-synchronous orbit at 747km altitude, enabling the satellite to cover the entire Earth every 12 days, providing crucial data for multiple applications.
• However, the real significance of this mission lies in its role as a technology test bed, as it carries 35 advanced indigenous systems that will play a key role in shaping India’s future in space.
• “TDS-1 is equipped with a 300 milli-Newton (mN) electric propulsion thruster, developed by ISRO’s Liquid Propulsion Systems Centre (LPSC). This system is more efficient and has a longer operational lifespan than conventional chemical thrusters, making it suitable for long-duration and deep-space missions.
•  A successful test could lead to its use in future interplanetary spacecraft. TDS-1 will also validate an Indian-made atomic clock, which offers high precision and reliability. This technology will enhance India''s satellite navigation systems and improve the accuracy of space-based operations,”
• Space experts point out that as cybersecurity threats continue to evolve, secure communication technology is crucial. TDS-1 will test quantum communication payloads, utilising quantum mechanics principles to create highly secure, unbreakable encryption.
• This advancement could transform secure satellite communications, benefiting both civilian and defence applications.
• “The satellite is equipped with high-resolution cameras and spectrometers, which will collect detailed imagery and environmental data.
• These systems will contribute to weather forecasting, disaster response, resource mapping, and scientific research, expanding India’s ability to monitor and understand Earth''s changing environment,”
• The collaboration between HAL, L&T, and ISRO represents a major turning point for India’s space programme. By leveraging private sector expertise, ISRO can focus on more advanced and complex space missions, while also encouraging growth and competition in the space industry.
• This shift not only eases ISRO’s workload but also opens new opportunities for private companies to contribute meaningfully to India''s space ambitions.
• A successful launch and deployment of TDS-1 will validate the private sector''s role in building and launching space vehicles, paving the way for even more ambitious partnerships in the future.
• The technologies tested on this mission will provide valuable insights, shaping upcoming space missions and enhancing India''s technological leadership in space exploration.
• Experts point out that though challenges remain such as the integration of multiple new technologies and the need for clear regulatory guidelines for private space enterprises the TDS-1 mission is a step forward.
• It showcases India''s technological innovation, engineering expertise, and commitment to space self-reliance. As the country moves further into deep-space exploration and advanced satellite applications, this mission stands as a symbol of progress, demonstrating how public-private partnerships can drive India’s space future.