SECTION A

1. Answer the following questions in about 150 words each: 10×5=50

1.(a) Explain the Philosophical approach to the study of Political theory.

The philosophical approach to political theory is fundamentally concerned with the normative and ethical dimensions of political life. It seeks to understand not just how political systems function, but how they ought to function.

At its core, this approach revolves around abstract reasoning and conceptual analysis. Philosophers of politics engage with foundational concepts such as liberty, equality, authority, rights, and justice. Philosophical political theorists use reason to explore questions such as:

       * What is a just society?

      *  Why should individuals obey the state?

      *  What is the moral basis of law and authority?

Historically, the philosophical approach has been shaped by towering figures like Plato, Aristotle, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, and Kant. Each of these thinkers offered distinct visions of the political good. Plato envisioned a society governed by philosopher-kings, where justice was achieved through a harmonious ordering of classes. Aristotle emphasized the role of virtue and civic participation in achieving the good life.  

One of the strengths of the philosophical approach is its ability to challenge the status quo and imagine alternative futures. It encourages critical reflection on existing institutions and practices, asking whether they align with our highest ideals. This makes it particularly relevant in times of political crisis or transformation, when societies must reevaluate their foundational principles. However, the approach is not without criticism. Some argue that it is too abstract, disconnected from the messy realities of political life. Others contend that it can be overly idealistic, proposing visions of society that are difficult to implement.

Despite these critiques, the philosophical approach remains indispensable. It provides the moral compass by which political actions and institutions are judged. It reminds us that politics is not just about power and strategy, but about justice, dignity, and the common good. In a world increasingly driven by data and pragmatism, the philosophical method offers a space for reflection, imagination, and ethical clarity. It challenges us to ask not only what is possible, but what is right.

1. (b) Write a note on the relation between equality and liberty from the multi-cultural perspective.

In multicultural societies, the ideals of equality and liberty are deeply intertwined—but not always easily reconciled. While liberty emphasizes individual freedom, equality demands fairness and inclusion across diverse cultural groups. The challenge lies in ensuring that both values are upheld without allowing one to undermine the other.

Will Kymlicka’s Perspective

Will Kymlicka, a leading theorist of multicultural citizenship, argues that liberalism must evolve to accommodate cultural diversity. He critiques traditional liberalism for being “color-blind,” assuming that equal rights for all individuals are sufficient to ensure justice. However, Kymlicka contends that this approach ignores the structural disadvantages faced by minority cultures, whose members often lack access to the cultural resources that shape meaningful life choices.

• He introduces the idea of group-differentiated rights, such as self-government rights for national minorities or polyethnic rights for immigrant groups.
• For Kymlicka, liberty is meaningful only when individuals have access to their own cultural frameworks, which requires recognizing and protecting cultural differences.
• Thus, equality demands more than identical treatment—it requires context-sensitive policies that empower minority groups to flourish without being assimilated into dominant cultures.

Bhikhu Parekh’s Perspective

Bhikhu Parekh offers a complementary yet critical lens. He emphasizes that human beings are culturally embedded, and that liberalism often fails to recognize the moral significance of cultural diversity.

• Parekh argues that equality must be redefined in multicultural contexts—not as uniformity, but as equal respect for different ways of life.
• He warns against the liberal tendency to treat cultural differences as private matters, advocating instead for public recognition and dialogue between cultures.
• For Parekh, liberty must include the freedom to live according to one’s cultural values, but this liberty must be balanced with the need to uphold common civic norms that ensure mutual respect and social cohesion.

The Delicate Balance

Both thinkers highlight that in multicultural societies:

• Liberty without equality can lead to cultural domination.
• Equality without liberty can suppress individuality and cultural expression.

The solution lies in rethinking liberal principles to accommodate pluralism, where both individual rights and group identities are respected. This means crafting policies that:

• Protect minority cultures from assimilation.
• Ensure fair access to resources and representation.
• Promote intercultural dialogue and mutual understanding.

In essence, Kymlicka and Parekh remind us that true equality and liberty in multicultural societies require more than abstract ideals—they demand a commitment to justice that is both inclusive and contextually aware.

1.(c) Explain the Macpherson''s view on power.

C.B. Macpherson’s view on power is rooted in his critique of liberal democracy and capitalist society. He challenges the traditional notion of power as mere control or domination, instead proposing a more nuanced understanding that distinguishes between different types of power and their effects on human development. His view on power is centered around the concept of possessive individualism.

• • Possessive Individualism: He argued that liberal societies are built on the idea that individuals own themselves and their capacities. This leads to competition, commodification of labor, and inequality.
  • Relational Power: Power is not a fixed trait but emerges through relationships—between citizens and institutions, employers and workers, or governments and governed.
  • Developmental Power: True power should help individuals flourish. He believed democracy should empower people to realize their full human potential, not just protect property rights.
  • Extractive Power: This refers to the ability of elites or institutions to extract resources, labor, or value from others—often without reciprocal benefit. In capitalist systems, extractive power manifests in:

      *  Employers profiting disproportionately from workers’ labor

      *  Corporations exploiting natural resources or communities

      * Governments using taxation or regulation to benefit dominant classes

He sees extractive power as a distortion of democratic ideals, where power serves accumulation rather than emancipation.  

• • Critique of Capitalism: Capitalist markets concentrate extractive and possessive power, undermining democratic participation and reinforcing structural inequality.
  • Democratic Redistribution: He advocated for participatory democracy that redistributes both political and economic power—challenging extractive systems and enabling collective decision-making.
  • Ethical Use of Power: Power should be exercised to uplift others, not exploit them. Extractive power, by contrast, is ethically corrosive and socially destabilizing.

1.(d) Mention the difference between Italian and German brands of fascism.

The political upheaval in Europe following World War I gave rise to two aggressive and authoritarian ideologies—Fascism and Nazism. While movements inspired by these doctrines emerged across the continent, only Italy and Germany saw them evolve into ruling governments. Though both shared totalitarian traits, Fascism and Nazism diverged significantly in their core ideological foundations.

Arendt, in the Origins of Totalitarianism clearly articulates the difference between the Italian and German cases as far as the issue of totalitarianism is concerned. The basic difference between Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy is the fact that the former was totalitarian while the latter remained as a dictatorship that intended to be totalitarian. While Mussolini’s regime was famous for its pragmatic and opportunistic moves, the totalitarian methods of the Nazi state were systematic, unhesitant and aimed to be permanent.

Arendt contrasts the differences between Nazi totalitarianism and Italian dictatorship in terms of their relationships with their armies: In contrast to the Nazis and Bolsheviks, who destroyed the spirit of the army by subordinating it to the political commissars or totalitarian elite formations, the Fascists wanted a Fascist state and a Fascist army, but still an army and a state.

With respect to the Church, Italian fascism opted for compromise with the Church and Mussolini, an atheist himself, recognized the importance of the Church to secure his regime while the relationships between Nazi Party and the Church were less than smooth. Although the Christian Church accepted the Nazi rule without questioning, it is argued that not only the destruction of the Church but also the abolition of the Christian religion in any meaningful sense of the term was among the long-term aims of the Nazis.

Hannah Arendt sharply distinguished Nazi Germany from Italian Fascism in terms of the intensity, scope, and purpose of violence and terror. Arendt saw Nazi terror as rooted in a racial ideology that aimed to eliminate entire populations, especially Jews, through industrialized genocide. While Mussolini’s regime was brutal—especially toward political opponents—it did not pursue mass extermination or racial annihilation as a core policy.

These ideological, structural and historical differences between Italian Fascism and German National Socialism are hard to ignore for the social scientist.

1.(e) Explain briefly the elite theory of democracy.

2. 

2.(a) What is the Marxist and liberal approach towards the state? On what grounds the theoretical differences between them are premised? Explain. (20)
2.(b) Karl Popper presents a defence of the open society against its enemies. Elaborate. (15)
2.(c) Explain how Rawls used the liberal and egalitarian perspective to develop his concept of distributive justice. (15)

3. 

3.(a) Provide a comparative analysis of behavioural and institutional approach to the study of political theory. (20)
3.(b) "State does the greatest harm to mankind by destroying individuality, which lies at the root of all progress." – Mahatma Gandhi. Elucidate. (15)
3.(c) Explain how the slogan ''the personal is political'' addresses the issue of women''s oppression and discrimination. (15)

4. 

4.(a) The foundational base of western democracy has been shaped by Locke''s ideas of constitutionalism, freedom and property. Elucidate.(20)
4.(b) Hannah Arendt analysed a few categories of vita activa. Explain.(15)
4.(c) Do you think that legitimacy acquired by consent or manufactured by indoctrination is an essential element in maintenance of political rule? Justify your answer with relevant examples. (15)

SECTION B

5. Answer the following questions in about 150 words each: 10×5=50

5.(a) Write a note on the Dalit perspective of Indian National Movement.
5.(b) Explain briefly the role of Peasant Movements after 1857 and before independence.
5.(c) Land reforms programmes led to some constitutional amendments. Comment.
5.(d) Delineate the key factors that have shaped the evolving political landscape in Jammu and Kashmir post 2019.
5.(e) How far has the National Human Rights Commission been successful in achieving its objectives? Comment.

6. 

6.(a) Parliamentary committees are indispensable to the legislative process. It provides for the opportunity for cross-pollination between the two chambers of the Parliament. Discuss. (20)
6.(b) Examine the constitutional provisions and nature of advisory jurisdiction of Supreme Court of India. Evaluate your answer with relevant examples. (15)
6.(c) The recent developments in Indian Politics have not eroded the true spirit of federalism in India. Critically examine this statement with the help of appropriate examples. (15)

7. 

7.(a) Enunciate the impediments to women''s participation in local governance in the process of political decentralisation. (20)
7.(b) Caste remains a vital axis for political mobilisation in India. How would the caste census address the aspirations of people? Discuss. (15)
7.(c) There is a debate on the procedure for appointment of the Chief Election Commissioner and Election Commissioners to the Election Commission of India. Analyse its various aspects. (15)

8. 

8.(a) The decision to conduct Population Census-2027 has reopened the debate on delimitation in India. Discuss its various aspects. (20)
8.(b) With reference to Nehruvian perspective of planning and economic development, examine how the early phase of economic planning in India has laid the foundation of modern India''s economic growth. (15)
8.(c) Illustrate with examples how political parties in India have played a crucial role in drawing the historically disadvantaged groups into the mainstream political system. (15)