UPSC CSE MAINS 2026 – PSIR OPTIONAL PAPER II

 

SECTION A

Q1. Answer in about 150 words each. (10 × 5 = 50)

1(a). Criticism of the institutional approach in comparative political analysis has come up in successive waves. Comment.

1(b). Extractive capitalism.

1(c). Discuss various methods of Balance of Power.

1(d). Clientelism.

1(e). What role does identity and technology play in the conceptualisation of Defensive realism?

 

Q2.

2(a). Discuss the factors responsible for the changing nature of states in contemporary industrial societies and explain its impact. (20)

2(b). International Human Rights frameworks are hostage to politics among nations. Comment. (15)

2(c). Diplomacy has always rested on two pillars: Institutional memory and individual craft. Elaborate. (15)

 

Q3.

3(a). NATO, the oldest surviving collective security system, is facing challenge of transactional coercion from its own biggest member. What future does NATO have amidst such developments? (20)

3(b). Theories of international relations which claim objectivity inevitably harbour subjective biases. Elucidate. (15)

3(c). Does neo-functionalism theory explain the dynamics of US-China relations? (15)

 

Q4.

4(a). QUAD requires more robust architecture than the summit driven mode to tide over the current challenges. Elaborate. (20)

4(b). How did the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) reflect geo-political division of the world during the cold war? (15)

4(c). What is UNCLOS? Explain its salient features. (15)

 

SECTION B

Q5. Answer in about 150 words each. (10 × 5 = 50)

5(a). Describe India’s objections to agricultural negotiations at the World Trade Organisation.

5(b). What strategic options can India exercise as a response to the tensions between Pakistan and Afghanistan?

5(c). Discuss the three areas of security co-operation between India and Israel.

5(d). Discuss the main features of the land-boundary agreement between India and Bangladesh.

5(e). Analyse the relevance of India-Brazil economic co-operation in strengthening the bilateral relations between the two countries.

 

Q6.

6(a). Accelerating of Chinese influence across South Asia is fundamentally reshaping the region’s geopolitical landscape. This is a big foreign policy challenge for India. Analyse. (20)

6(b). Critically evaluate the important factors of India-Maldives relations on the eve of sixty years of diplomatic ties. (15)

6(c). “The mother of all deals” is a transformative milestone in Indo-EU trade relations. Elaborate on the new Security and Defence partnership. (15)

 

Q7.

7(a). How does illegal cross border migration pose challenges to India’s security? Discuss the steps taken by the government in this direction and their effectiveness. (20)

7(b). The island of Kachchatheevu remains an intractable issue in India-Sri Lanka relations. Comment. (15)

7(c). India has adopted multi-alignment to fulfil its core values and interests in international relations. Discuss. (15)

 

Q8.

8(a). Critically evaluate India-Russia relations in the 21st century. How have both the countries responded to American meddling in their relations in the recent times? (20)

8(b). India has recognised the West Asia input as a single contest, but a tangle of rivalries, bargains and anxieties. Comment. (15)

8(c). Examine India and South-Africa co-operation through bilateral and multilateral forums. (15)

 

PSIR MAINS 2026 – PAPER II - Solved Paper

SECTION A

Q1(a). Criticism of the institutional approach in comparative political analysis has come up in successive waves. Comment.

The traditional institutional approach dominated early comparative politics. It focused primarily on formal political institutions such as constitutions, legislatures, executives and courts. However, it was criticised for being excessively descriptive, legalistic and largely centred on Western political systems.

The first major criticism came from the Behavioural Revolution. Thinkers such as David Easton argued that merely studying constitutional structures could not explain how politics actually functioned. Political behaviour, voting patterns, elite attitudes and informal processes became important areas of study.

The structural-functional approach of Gabriel Almond further challenged traditional institutionalism. Almond argued that similar political functions could be performed by different institutions in different societies. Therefore, comparing only formal structures was inadequate.

Marxist approaches criticised institutionalism for ignoring underlying economic and class relations. Political institutions were viewed as being influenced by relations of production and structures of domination. Thus, formal institutions could not be studied independently of economic power.

Similarly, the political culture approach, associated with Almond and Verba, emphasised that institutions operate within a broader environment of attitudes, beliefs and values. The same constitutional institution may function differently in different political cultures.

Interestingly, these criticisms did not completely destroy institutionalism. They led to the emergence of New Institutionalism. March and Olsen argued that institutions influence political behaviour through the “logic of appropriateness.”

Thus, institutional analysis evolved rather than disappeared. Contemporary comparative politics combines the study of institutions with behaviour, culture, class, ideas and historical path dependence.

 

Q1(b). Extractive capitalism.

Extractive capitalism refers to a form of capitalist development based on the intensive extraction of natural resources, labour and increasingly, data. The benefits of such extraction are often concentrated among corporations and elites, while the social and ecological costs are borne by local communities.

Its intellectual roots can be linked to Karl Marx's concept of primitive accumulation. Marx explained how capitalism expanded by separating people from their traditional means of production, including land and common resources.

David Harvey developed this argument through the concept of “accumulation by dispossession.” According to him, contemporary capitalism continues to expand by transferring land, forests, minerals and other resources from communities into the control of markets and corporations.

Extractive capitalism is particularly visible in mining, fossil-fuel industries and large infrastructure projects. Such activities may generate economic growth, but they can also cause displacement, environmental degradation and loss of traditional livelihoods.

In the contemporary era, extraction has also acquired a digital dimension. Technology companies collect and monetise data, attention and behavioural information. This has generated debates around surveillance capitalism.

In India, conflicts involving mining, forests and tribal communities demonstrate the tension between economic development and environmental justice. Questions of displacement and resource rights remain central.

Therefore, extractive capitalism raises a fundamental question: Can economic growth remain sustainable if it continuously depends upon the extraction of nature, labour and data?

 

Q1(c). Discuss various methods of Balance of Power.

Balance of Power (BoP) refers to a situation in which power is distributed in such a manner that no single state is able to dominate the international system. Hans Morgenthau regarded it both as a condition of international politics and as a conscious policy pursued by states.

The most common method is alliance formation. States combine their capabilities to balance against a stronger or threatening power. This is generally described as external balancing.

Another important method is armament and military build-up. A state strengthens its own military and economic capabilities to protect itself against potential threats. This is known as internal balancing.

Historically, states also used divide and rule to prevent rival powers from becoming too strong. Encouraging divisions among opponents could prevent the emergence of a dominant coalition.

Other traditional methods include the creation of buffer states, territorial compensation and intervention in conflicts to prevent the rise of a hegemonic power.

In the contemporary period, balancing has become more complex. States may practise soft balancing through international institutions, diplomatic coalitions, economic partnerships and technological cooperation rather than direct military confrontation.

India's foreign policy illustrates this changing nature of balancing. India participates in the QUAD, while simultaneously maintaining strategic relations with Russia, Europe and other major powers. This reflects multi-alignment and issue-based balancing.

Thus, Balance of Power has evolved from purely military competition towards institutional, economic, technological and diplomatic balancing.

 

Q1(d). Clientelism.

Clientelism refers to a political relationship based on the exchange of benefits for political support. It generally involves a powerful patron who provides resources and a dependent client who offers political loyalty.

The patron may provide jobs, welfare benefits, protection, contracts or access to state resources. In return, the client provides votes, political support or personal loyalty.

Clientelism is characterised by personalised and particularistic politics. Unlike universal citizenship, where benefits are distributed according to general rules, clientelism depends upon personal connections and political intermediaries.

Such systems often emerge where institutions are weak and citizens depend upon influential intermediaries for access to state resources.

Max Weber's concept of patrimonialism helps explain such personalised forms of political authority. Public resources may become closely connected with personal networks of power.

Clientelism can sometimes help politically mobilise marginalised groups and connect citizens with the state. However, it can also weaken programmatic politics, transparency and accountability.

In India, local intermediaries, caste networks and political connections may sometimes influence access to benefits and public resources. However, reforms such as Direct Benefit Transfers (DBT) attempt to reduce discretionary patronage.

Thus, clientelism represents a tension between personalised political exchange and universal democratic citizenship.

 

Q1(e). What role does identity and technology play in the conceptualisation of Defensive realism?

Defensive realism, associated mainly with Kenneth Waltz and Stephen Walt, argues that states primarily seek sufficient power to ensure their security rather than unlimited power and expansion.

Identity is not central to traditional structural realism because realism focuses primarily on the anarchic international system and material capabilities. However, identity can influence how states perceive threats and intentions.

Stephen Walt's Balance of Threat theory demonstrates that states do not respond only to aggregate power. They also consider factors such as geographical proximity, offensive capability and perceived intentions.

Therefore, historical experiences, strategic culture and identity can shape whether another state's military capability is viewed as defensive or threatening.

Technology is important because it influences the offence-defence balance. Technological developments can make either conquest easier or defence stronger.

According to Robert Jervis, when defensive technologies dominate, aggression becomes more difficult and the security dilemma may be reduced. However, when offensive capabilities dominate, insecurity and arms races may intensify.

Today, technologies such as cyber weapons, drones, AI and hypersonic missiles complicate traditional ideas of deterrence and security.

Thus, identity shapes the perception of threats, while technology shapes the material conditions under which security competition takes place.

 

Q2(a). Discuss the factors responsible for the changing nature of states in contemporary industrial societies and explain its impact.

The nature of the state in contemporary industrial societies has undergone major transformation. The state has moved beyond the traditional role of maintaining law and order and has increasingly become a welfare, regulatory and digital state.

Globalisation has reduced the state's exclusive control over economic activity. Capital, technology and production networks increasingly operate across national borders. Susan Strange highlighted the changing nature of state authority in a globalised economy.

Technological transformation has also altered governance. Digital platforms, AI and big data have increased state capacity in service delivery, but they have simultaneously created concerns regarding surveillance and privacy.

The growth of the welfare state reflects increasing demands for healthcare, education and social security. T.H. Marshall's concept of social citizenship explains the expansion of citizens' social rights.

At the same time, neoliberalism encouraged privatisation, deregulation and market-oriented reforms. The state increasingly became a regulator and facilitator rather than a direct producer.

Climate change, pandemics, terrorism and financial crises have also shown that many contemporary problems cannot be addressed by individual states alone. This has increased the importance of international and networked governance.

The result is the emergence of a networked and regulatory state, but this transformation has also raised concerns about democratic accountability and excessive surveillance.

India reflects these changes through welfare programmes, DBT and Digital Public Infrastructure.

Thus, the state is not disappearing. Rather, it is undergoing a major functional transformation.

 

Q2(b). International Human Rights frameworks are hostage to politics among nations. Comment.

International Human Rights frameworks are based on the principle of universal human dignity. However, their implementation is often deeply influenced by power politics and national interests.

Powerful states may apply human rights principles selectively. Violations by rivals may receive strong criticism, while similar violations by allies may receive less attention. This creates accusations of double standards.

The structure of the UN Security Council also creates limitations. The veto power of permanent members can prevent collective action even during serious humanitarian crises.

The tension between state sovereignty and humanitarian intervention further illustrates this problem. States often disagree on whether international intervention protects human rights or violates sovereignty.

The doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) attempted to reconcile sovereignty with humanitarian responsibility. However, its application has remained politically contested.

Developing countries often argue that human rights discourse can sometimes become an instrument of normative imperialism, particularly when powerful states selectively use humanitarian concerns.

Yet, human rights frameworks continue to matter. Constructivist scholars such as Risse and Sikkink show how international norms can influence domestic politics through mechanisms such as the boomerang effect.

India generally supports universal human dignity while emphasising dialogue, capacity-building and respect for sovereignty.

Therefore, international human rights frameworks are certainly constrained by politics, but they still generate normative pressure, international scrutiny and accountability.

 

Q2(c). Diplomacy has always rested on two pillars: Institutional memory and individual craft. Elaborate.

Diplomacy is both an institutional activity and an individual art. Successful diplomacy requires a combination of institutional memory and individual skill.

Institutional memory refers to the accumulated knowledge of treaties, negotiations, disputes and earlier diplomatic positions. Foreign ministries provide continuity even when governments and political leaders change.

This continuity is particularly important in long-term foreign policy issues. India's consistent positions regarding strategic autonomy, nuclear policy and major neighbours demonstrate the importance of institutional experience.

At the same time, diplomacy depends heavily on individual craft. A diplomat requires negotiation skills, persuasion, judgement, timing and the ability to understand the intentions of other actors.

Harold Nicolson emphasised the professional qualities necessary for effective diplomacy. Personal competence can often determine the success or failure of difficult negotiations.

Personal diplomacy also plays an important role through summit meetings and leader-level engagement. Trust between leaders can sometimes help overcome diplomatic deadlocks.

However, excessive personalisation can produce inconsistency, while excessive bureaucracy may create rigidity.

Therefore, diplomacy succeeds when institutional memory provides continuity and individual craft provides flexibility.

In short, diplomacy requires the memory of institutions and the imagination of individuals.

 

Q3(a). NATO is facing transactional coercion from its own biggest member. What future does NATO have?

NATO faces a major challenge when its largest and most powerful member treats alliance commitments in increasingly transactional terms. This raises questions about the reliability of collective security.

The central concern is the credibility of Article 5, which forms the foundation of NATO's collective defence principle. If smaller members doubt the reliability of American commitments, their sense of security may weaken.

This creates an abandonment dilemma. Glenn Snyder's alliance theory explains how alliance members often fear both abandonment by allies and entrapment in unwanted conflicts.

Burden-sharing has become another important issue. European states face increasing pressure to spend more on defence and assume greater responsibility for their own security.

This pressure may encourage greater European strategic autonomy and stronger independent defence capabilities.

However, NATO continues to possess a powerful reason for survival: continuing concerns regarding Russian military power and European security.

Therefore, NATO is more likely to adapt than disappear. Europe may assume greater responsibility while the United States remains an important strategic partner.

The future of NATO may therefore lie in a transition from US-dominated security towards greater burden-sharing and stronger European capabilities.

 

Q3(b). Theories of international relations which claim objectivity inevitably harbour subjective biases. Elucidate.

International Relations theories often claim to objectively explain international politics. However, the assumptions behind these theories are shaped by particular historical, social and cultural contexts.

Realism, for example, claims to objectively analyse power and national interest. However, many of its assumptions emerged from European interstate history and the experience of great-power competition.

Critics therefore argue that realism sometimes universalises a particular Western historical experience as a general law of international politics.

Similarly, liberalism reflects assumptions regarding democracy, markets and institutions that developed largely within Western political experiences.

Robert Cox famously stated that “Theory is always for someone and for some purpose.” This challenges the possibility of complete value neutrality in social science.

Feminist scholars such as Cynthia Enloe argue that mainstream IR often privileges masculine conceptions of power, war and security while neglecting gendered experiences.

Postcolonial approaches challenge Eurocentrism and question why Western experiences dominate supposedly universal theories.

Amitav Acharya's Global IR seeks to broaden the discipline by incorporating non-Western histories, ideas and experiences.

Indian concepts such as strategic autonomy and civilisational dialogue can also contribute to a broader understanding of international politics.

Therefore, complete objectivity may be impossible, but reflexivity, self-awareness and theoretical pluralism can reduce hidden biases.

 

Q3(c). Does neo-functionalism theory explain the dynamics of US-China relations?

Neo-functionalism, associated with Ernst Haas, explains regional integration through functional cooperation and the process of spillover.

According to this approach, cooperation in one sector can create pressures for further cooperation in related sectors, eventually deepening integration.

However, US-China relations are primarily characterised by strategic competition rather than political integration.

Despite extensive economic interdependence, cooperation has not produced the expected political spillover. Instead, economic relations have increasingly generated trade conflicts and technological restrictions.

The two countries increasingly compete over technology, supply chains and strategic influence.

Therefore, neo-functionalism has limited ability to explain the overall dynamics of US-China rivalry.

Nevertheless, limited functional cooperation continues in areas such as climate change and global financial stability.

This demonstrates that cooperation and competition can coexist.

Keohane and Nye's Complex Interdependence provides a more useful framework because it recognises multiple channels of interaction and the coexistence of conflict and cooperation.

The relationship can therefore be described as one of competitive interdependence.

Thus, neo-functionalism explains limited sectoral cooperation but cannot adequately explain the broader strategic rivalry between the US and China.

 

Q4(a). QUAD requires more robust architecture than summit-driven mode. Elaborate.

The QUAD has emerged as an important Indo-Pacific platform involving India, the US, Japan and Australia. However, summit diplomacy alone may not provide sufficient institutional continuity.

The Indo-Pacific faces growing challenges involving maritime security, technological competition, supply-chain vulnerabilities and geopolitical uncertainty.

A summit-driven arrangement may suffer from an implementation gap between announcements and actual outcomes. Regular institutional mechanisms are therefore necessary for policy coordination.

A permanent or light institutional secretariat could improve continuity and monitor implementation.

Regular meetings among foreign, defence and technology officials could deepen cooperation beyond leader-level diplomacy.

The QUAD can institutionalise cooperation in areas such as Maritime Domain Awareness, Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR), cybersecurity and critical technologies.

Technology cooperation could also focus on AI, semiconductors and resilient supply chains.

However, India prefers the QUAD to remain a flexible strategic arrangement rather than a formal military alliance.

Therefore, stronger architecture should not lead to alliance-style rigidity.

The ideal approach is “institutionalisation without alliance-isation.” This would improve delivery while preserving strategic flexibility.

 

Q4(b). How did CMEA reflect geopolitical division during the Cold War?

The Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) was established in 1949 under Soviet leadership. It reflected the division of the Cold War world into competing economic and geopolitical blocs.

CMEA emerged partly as a socialist response to the US-backed Marshall Plan.

Western Europe increasingly integrated through capitalist institutions, while Eastern Europe was organised around Soviet-led economic coordination.

CMEA encouraged planned economic cooperation and specialisation among socialist states. Production and trade were coordinated within the Soviet bloc.

However, this economic cooperation also strengthened Soviet influence over the economies of Eastern European states.

Thus, economic institutions became instruments of geopolitical power during the Cold War.

CMEA functioned alongside the Warsaw Pact, which represented the military dimension of the Soviet bloc.

However, central planning, technological stagnation and Soviet dominance limited the effectiveness of CMEA.

Therefore, CMEA demonstrated that the Cold War was not merely a conflict between military alliances. It was also a competition between different economic systems and geopolitical orders.

 

Q4(c). What is UNCLOS? Explain its salient features.

The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), 1982 provides the principal legal framework governing oceans and maritime activities. It is often described as the “Constitution of the Oceans.”

UNCLOS provides for a 12-nautical-mile Territorial Sea, within which coastal states exercise sovereignty.

The Contiguous Zone extends up to 24 nautical miles and allows coastal states limited enforcement powers regarding customs, immigration and other laws.

The Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) extends up to 200 nautical miles. Within this zone, coastal states enjoy sovereign rights over natural resources.

UNCLOS also defines rights relating to the continental shelf and seabed resources.

The High Seas remain governed by principles such as freedom of navigation and other shared freedoms.

The deep seabed is recognised as the Common Heritage of Mankind, reflecting the idea that certain global resources should benefit humanity collectively.

UNCLOS also provides dispute-settlement mechanisms, including ITLOS and arbitration.

For India, UNCLOS is important for the Indian Ocean, Blue Economy, maritime security and freedom of navigation.

Thus, UNCLOS remains a fundamental pillar of a rules-based maritime order.

 

SECTION B

Q5(a). Describe India's objections to agricultural negotiations at the WTO.

India's position on WTO agricultural negotiations is primarily shaped by concerns regarding food security, farmers' livelihoods and developmental policy space.

India strongly supports a permanent solution for Public Stockholding (PSH). Government procurement and food distribution are important instruments for ensuring food security.

India argues that the existing subsidy calculation system uses outdated reference prices, making developing-country support appear artificially high.

India also supports a Special Safeguard Mechanism (SSM). This would allow developing countries to temporarily raise tariffs during import surges or sudden price declines.

Another major objection concerns the large agricultural subsidies provided by developed countries. These subsidies can distort global markets and create an unequal playing field for farmers in developing countries.

India therefore emphasises Special and Differential Treatment (S&DT).

For India, agriculture cannot be treated merely as a commercial activity. It is closely linked with food security, employment and rural stability.

Thus, India's WTO position represents the defence of developmental policy space and food sovereignty.

 

Q5(b). What strategic options can India exercise in response to Pakistan-Afghanistan tensions?

Pakistan-Afghanistan tensions create instability in India's extended neighbourhood. However, they also provide India an opportunity to pursue an independent and people-oriented engagement with Afghanistan.

India should continue its people-centric approach through humanitarian assistance, education, healthcare and capacity-building.

Such engagement can strengthen India's long-term goodwill among the Afghan population.

India should avoid turning Afghanistan into another arena of India-Pakistan competition. Instead, it should pursue strategic patience.

Regional platforms such as the SCO and the UN can be used to promote stability, counterterrorism and regional cooperation.

India should also strengthen alternative connectivity through Chabahar Port and the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC).

These routes reduce India's dependence on connectivity through Pakistan.

India must remain alert to the possibility that instability could strengthen terrorist networks and create wider regional insecurity.

Therefore, India's best strategy is a combination of humanitarian engagement + connectivity diplomacy + counterterrorism cooperation.

The objective should be regional stability rather than opportunistic geopolitical intervention.

 

Q5(c). Discuss the three areas of security cooperation between India and Israel.

India-Israel security cooperation has expanded significantly and can broadly be understood through three major areas.

First is defence cooperation. Israel has supplied important technologies relating to missiles, UAVs, radars and surveillance systems. Systems such as the Barak missiles demonstrate the importance of this partnership.

Defence cooperation is important because Israeli technological capabilities complement India's requirements for modernising its armed forces.

Second is counterterrorism and intelligence cooperation. Both countries have faced terrorism-related security threats.

Cooperation can involve intelligence sharing, counterterrorism training and homeland-security capabilities.

Third is cyber and technological security. Cybersecurity and the protection of critical infrastructure have become increasingly important in the digital era.

Israel's technological strengths complement India's expanding digital infrastructure and technological ambitions.

Thus, the relationship reflects strategic and technological convergence.

However, India continues to maintain an independent position regarding the Palestinian question.

Therefore, India-Israel cooperation represents issue-based strategic partnership rather than complete political alignment.

 

Q5(d). Discuss the main features of the Land Boundary Agreement between India and Bangladesh.

The India-Bangladesh Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) resolved one of the most complicated territorial legacies of the colonial period.

The agreement originated in 1974 and was substantially implemented through the 2015 Protocol.

One of its most important features was the exchange of enclaves between India and Bangladesh.

The agreement also addressed issues relating to adverse possessions and territorial anomalies.

Residents of transferred territories were provided the opportunity to choose citizenship. This helped address the condition of people who had previously lived in an administrative and legal vacuum.

The agreement therefore had major humanitarian consequences, improving access to governance and public services.

Politically, it became an important example of the peaceful settlement of complex territorial disputes through negotiation and mutual accommodation.

For India, the agreement reflected the principles of Neighbourhood First and cooperative diplomacy.

Thus, the LBA demonstrates that even historically complicated territorial disputes can be resolved through political will, trust and diplomatic negotiation.

 

Q5(e). Analyse the relevance of India-Brazil economic cooperation.

India and Brazil are major emerging economies and important partners within the Global South.

Trade and investment provide the material foundation for their bilateral relationship.

Agriculture is an important area because both countries are major agricultural economies. They can cooperate in agricultural technology, food security and related sectors.

Energy cooperation, particularly in ethanol, biofuels and renewable energy, also has considerable potential.

India's strengths in pharmaceuticals and information technology complement Brazil's large market and economic potential.

Economic cooperation also strengthens political coordination in multilateral forums such as BRICS, IBSA and the G20.

Both countries share concerns regarding agricultural subsidies and inequalities in the global economic order.

Thus, bilateral economic cooperation strengthens their broader role as advocates of South-South cooperation.

India-Brazil relations demonstrate how economic interests can reinforce a wider strategic partnership of the Global South.

 

Q6(a). Accelerating Chinese influence across South Asia is fundamentally reshaping the geopolitical landscape. Analyse.

China's expanding presence has transformed South Asia into a more competitive geopolitical space.

Traditionally, India enjoyed considerable influence in the region because of geography, historical links and economic connections.

China has expanded its role through infrastructure diplomacy and economic engagement.

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has increased Chinese involvement in countries such as Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh and Maldives.

Chinese infrastructure projects also generate concerns regarding dual-use facilities and the possibility of long-term strategic presence.

Economic loans and infrastructure investments may also create political and strategic leverage.

For India, this raises concerns regarding the erosion of its traditional strategic primacy in South Asia.

The Indian Ocean dimension is particularly significant because of China's expanding maritime presence.

However, South Asian countries do not necessarily wish to choose between India and China. Many practise strategic hedging to maximise their interests.

India nevertheless retains important advantages in geography, cultural links and its role as a first responder during crises.

Therefore, India's response should focus on Neighbourhood First, faster project delivery and greater development capacity.

The real challenge is to provide a credible and reliable alternative rather than merely opposing Chinese influence.

 

Q6(b). Critically evaluate India-Maldives relations on the eve of sixty years of diplomatic ties.

India and Maldives share a relationship shaped by geography, maritime security and domestic politics.

The Maldives occupies a strategically important location in the Indian Ocean, making stability and security cooperation important for both countries.

Security cooperation remains one of the strongest pillars of the relationship.

India has traditionally acted as a reliable first responder during emergencies and crises.

Development cooperation in housing, infrastructure, healthcare and community projects has also strengthened bilateral goodwill.

However, the relationship has faced challenges from domestic political narratives and concerns relating to sovereignty.

The “India Out” campaign demonstrated how foreign relations can become part of domestic political competition.

China's growing economic presence has added another geopolitical dimension to the relationship.

Recent diplomatic engagement and economic cooperation have contributed to a recalibration of ties.

The major challenge is to ensure that India-Maldives relations are not excessively disrupted by changes in domestic politics.

Thus, the relationship requires strategic sensitivity, respect for sovereignty and sustained development partnership.

 

Q6(c). “The mother of all deals” is a transformative milestone in Indo-EU trade relations. Elaborate on the new Security and Defence Partnership.

Recent India-EU engagement represents a shift from a largely economic relationship towards a broader strategic partnership.

A major trade breakthrough can expand market access, investment and supply-chain resilience.

Therefore, its significance is not merely economic but also geopolitical.

The new India-EU Security and Defence Partnership reflects growing strategic convergence between the two sides.

Maritime security is an important area of cooperation, particularly in the Indian Ocean and Indo-Pacific.

Cybersecurity and the protection of critical infrastructure have also become important priorities.

The partnership can strengthen cooperation against terrorism and other transnational security threats.

Defence-industrial cooperation can promote technology sharing and more resilient supply chains.

New institutional mechanisms, including regular security dialogues and industry engagement, can deepen strategic cooperation.

For India, the EU becomes another important strategic partner without compromising its principle of strategic autonomy.

Thus, India-EU relations are moving from a trade partnership towards comprehensive geopolitical cooperation.

 

Q7(a). How does illegal cross-border migration pose challenges to India's security?

Illegal cross-border migration is a complex issue involving security, humanitarian concerns and governance.

Large-scale migration can create demographic pressures and increase competition over land, employment and public resources.

It can also intensify ethnic and identity-based tensions in sensitive border regions.

Porous borders may facilitate criminal activities such as trafficking, smuggling and other illegal networks.

There is also a security risk that hostile or terrorist elements could exploit weak border management.

The government has responded through border fencing, surveillance technology and stronger deployment of border forces.

Integrated Check Posts and improved border infrastructure have also strengthened border management.

However, fencing alone cannot solve the problem because borders are also social and economic spaces.

India must distinguish between economic migrants, refugees and genuine security threats.

Cooperation with neighbouring countries is therefore essential.

The ideal approach is smart border management, combining technology, diplomacy, development and humanitarian sensitivity.

 

Q7(b). The island of Kachchatheevu remains an intractable issue in India-Sri Lanka relations. Comment.

Kachchatheevu, located in the Palk Strait, was placed under Sri Lankan sovereignty through the 1974 India-Sri Lanka agreement.

The issue remains politically and emotionally sensitive in India, particularly in Tamil Nadu.

The central problem is closely connected with the livelihood of Indian fishermen.

Indian fishermen frequently face arrest, detention and the seizure of boats.

Therefore, the issue combines questions of sovereignty, livelihood and domestic politics.

Sri Lanka emphasises its territorial sovereignty and concerns regarding illegal fishing.

The use of bottom trawling has also created serious ecological concerns.

Therefore, the issue cannot be resolved simply by reopening questions of territorial sovereignty.

A more practical approach requires cooperative fisheries management.

India should promote deep-sea fishing, sustainable practices and regular bilateral mechanisms.

Thus, Kachchatheevu is best understood as a problem involving maritime sovereignty, human livelihood and ecological sustainability.

 

Q7(c). India has adopted multi-alignment to fulfil its core values and interests. Discuss.

Multi-alignment refers to India's strategy of maintaining multiple strategic partnerships without joining any single rigid geopolitical bloc.

It represents continuity with India's traditional emphasis on strategic autonomy.

However, unlike classical Non-Alignment, multi-alignment operates within a highly interconnected and increasingly multipolar world.

India cooperates with the United States through the QUAD.

At the same time, it maintains important strategic relations with Russia.

India also deepens engagement with Europe, Japan, ASEAN and countries of the Global South.

This diversification protects India's economic, technological and security interests.

It also prevents excessive dependence upon any single major power.

Multi-alignment therefore reflects India's preference for issue-based partnerships.

However, intensified great-power rivalry can make balancing increasingly difficult and may force India to make difficult choices.

Nevertheless, multi-alignment remains India's attempt to achieve:

Strategic autonomy through diversified partnerships.

It allows India to combine national interests with its commitment to a multipolar and inclusive international order.

 

Q8(a). Critically evaluate India-Russia relations in the 21st century. How have both countries responded to American meddling?

India-Russia relations remain one of India's most durable strategic relationships, although their character has changed considerably in the 21st century.

Defence cooperation continues to be a major pillar. Russia remains important for military platforms, maintenance and defence technology.

Energy cooperation has also acquired increasing importance.

Russia remains a significant partner in civilian nuclear cooperation as well.

However, the relationship faces challenges because of India's expanding relations with Western powers.

Russia's growing strategic proximity to China also creates concerns for India.

The Ukraine conflict and Western sanctions have complicated trade and financial transactions.

American pressure has also influenced India's defence and economic choices.

India's response has largely been based on strategic autonomy and national interest, avoiding complete alignment with any one bloc.

Russia, meanwhile, has responded by strengthening alternative financial arrangements and deepening engagement with Asian partners.

Thus, India-Russia relations are no longer exclusive in nature but remain strategically resilient and mutually useful.

 

Q8(b). India has recognised West Asia not as a single contest, but a tangle of rivalries, bargains and anxieties. Comment.

India's West Asia policy has increasingly moved away from rigid ideological alignments towards multi-vector diplomacy.

West Asia contains several overlapping rivalries rather than a single geopolitical conflict.

These include the Israel-Palestine conflict, Iran-Gulf tensions and wider geopolitical competition.

India therefore avoids treating the region as a simple binary contest.

India maintains strong strategic cooperation with Israel.

At the same time, it continues to support a two-state solution for Palestine.

India also maintains important relations with Iran, particularly for connectivity and regional interests.

Simultaneously, the Gulf countries are crucial for India's energy security, investment and diaspora interests.

New arrangements such as I2U2 demonstrate India's ability to cooperate across traditional regional divisions.

Connectivity projects such as IMEC also reflect India's wider strategic interests.

Thus, India's approach is based on de-hyphenation and issue-based engagement.

India recognises that flexibility is necessary in a region characterised by rivalries, bargains and security anxieties.

 

Q8(c). Examine India-South Africa cooperation through bilateral and multilateral forums.

India and South Africa are important partners in strengthening the voice of the Global South.

At the bilateral level, economic cooperation includes trade, investment, pharmaceuticals, information technology and agriculture.

India's pharmaceutical and technological strengths complement South Africa's position as one of Africa's major economies.

Defence and security cooperation also provide scope for deeper engagement.

The two countries cooperate in science, technology and innovation.

At the multilateral level, IBSA represents an important platform for South-South cooperation and democratic developing countries.

Both countries are also major members of BRICS.

They support a more multipolar international order and reforms in global governance.

Within the G20, India and South Africa have highlighted concerns relating to development, inequality and the Global South.

They also cooperate in the WTO, particularly on agriculture and the developmental policy space of developing countries.

South Africa provides India with an important strategic link to the African continent.

Therefore, India-South Africa cooperation goes beyond ordinary bilateral relations.

It represents a broader partnership for Global South solidarity, multipolarity and reform of international governance.