President Murmu seeks advisory opinion from SC
- President Droupadi Murmu has invoked the Supreme Court’s advisory jurisdiction on whether timelines could be set for the President and Governors to act on Bills passed by state Assemblies.
- Under Article 143(1) of the Constitution, the President may refer a “question of law or fact” to the Supreme Court for its opinion. The opinion, unlike a ruling, is not binding.
- The reference was made on May 13, five weeks after the SC’s April 8 ruling in which it fixed a three-month deadline for the President to clear Bills reserved for her consideration by the Governor.
What is the SC’s advisory jurisdiction?
- The Constitution extended the provision in the Government of India Act, 1935 to seek the opinion of the Federal Court on questions of law to questions of fact as well, including certain hypotheticals.
- A question under Article 143 may be referred if it “has arisen, or is likely to arise”, and “which is of such a nature and of such public importance that it is expedient to obtain the opinion of the Supreme Court”.
- Article 145(3) requires any such reference to be heard by five judges, after which the SC returns the reference to the President with the majority opinion.
- Under the Constitution, the President acts on the aid and advice of the Cabinet. The advisory jurisdiction allows her the means to seek independent advice to act on certain constitutional matters. It is a power that the President has invoked on at least 15 occasions since 1950.
Can the SC decline to answer a presidential reference?
- Article 143(1) states the court “may, after such hearing as it thinks fit, report to the President its opinion thereon”. The word ‘may’ indicates that it is the court’s prerogative to answer the reference. The SC has so far returned at least two references without answering.
- In 1993, then President Shankar Dayal Sharma asked the SC “whether a Hindu temple or any Hindu religious structure existed prior to the construction of the Ram Janma Bhumi-Babri Masjid…in the area on which the structure stood.”
- The SC unanimously refused to answer this as a civil suit on the dispute was already pending before the courts.
- Justices AM Ahmedi and S P Bharucha declined to answer also on the grounds that the reference was against secularism, and hence unconstitutional. The judges also expressed apprehension that the government could use the SC opinion as a springboard to politically negotiate the issue.
- The SC did not answer a 1982 reference made by President Giani Zail Singh on the constitutionality of a proposed law that sought to regulate the resettlement or permanent return of individuals (or their descendants) who had migrated to Pakistan between March 1, 1947 and May 14, 1954 to Jammu and Kashmir.
- However, after the President’s reference, the Bill was passed for a second time, and the Governor gave his assent. Petitions challenging the validity of the laws were also moved before the SC.
- Since advisory jurisdiction is not binding as a precedent, even if the SC had held the law to be unconstitutional in the Article 143 reference, it would still have to decide its validity in the other batch.
- The SC’s opinion would also be futile since the issue was no longer before the President.
Can the SC overturn its April 8 decision through the presidential reference?
- In its 1991 opinion on the Cauvery Water Disputes Tribunal, the SC said that Article 143 is not a mechanism for the executive to seek review or reversal of established judicial decisions of the Supreme Court.
- “When this Court in its adjudicatory jurisdiction pronounces its authoritative opinion on a question of law, it cannot be said that there is any doubt about the question of law or the same is res integra so as to require the President to know what the true position of law on the question is,” the opinion said.
- The SC also said it could not “countenance a situation” where a question in a reference “may be so construed as to invite our opinion” on a settled decision of the court.
- “That would obviously be tantamount to our sitting in appeal on the said decision which it is impermissible for us to do even in adjudicatory jurisdiction. Nor is it competent for the President to invest us with an appellate jurisdiction over the said decision through a Reference under Article 143…,” the court said.
- The government can, however, file for a review of the April 8 ruling, and can move a curative petition in an attempt to reverse it.
- Since the judgment was by a two-judge Bench, and similar cases from other states, including Kerala and Punjab, remain pending, it is possible that another Bench might refer it to a larger Constitution Bench
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Story of a sacred Jharkhand hill at the centre of old friction between Jains & Santals
- The Jharkhand High Court on May 3 directed the state government to enforce a pre-existing ban on the consumption and sale of meat, alcohol, and other intoxicants on a hill considered to be sacred by both the Santal Adivasi and Jain communities.
- Referred to as Marang Buru by Santals and Parasnath by Jains, the hill in Jharkhand’s Giridih district has been the site of a century-old inter-community conflict. Here’s the story.
A sacred hill
- Jains believe that 20 of the 24 Jain tirthankaras (divine teachers) attained nirvana (liberation) on Parasnath Hill. The name “Parasnath” is derived from Parshvanatha, the 23rd tirthankara. Today, there are more than 40 Jain temples and dhams on the hill.
- “The Jains, being followers of one of the oldest religions, have held this hill sacred since the time of the tirthankaras [in the BCEs],”
- [Jains and Adivasis] have co-existed at Parasnath Hill from the very beginning. When the tirthankaras came here to attain nirvana here, it was the Adivasis who carried them to the top of the hill. That tradition continues today,” he said.
- Marang Buru (literally “the Great Mountain”) is the supreme animist deity in the Santal tradition. The Jug Jaher Than (sacred grove) on the hill is the most sacred dhorom garh (religious site) of the Santals, akin to what Mecca means for Muslims. Also significant is the Dishom Manjhi Than on the hill, the symbolic seat of the dishom manjhi (the traditional Santal leader) where customary rituals are performed.
- Its religious significance aside, Marang Buru is the supreme seat of justice for Santals. The Lo Bir Baisi, a tribal council that resolves disputes which cannot be handled at the village level, convenes at Boda Darha in Sohraiya village, on the eastern part of the sacred mountain.
- It was with a resolution of this council that the historic Santal Hul was launched in 1855. Led by Sidhu and Kanhu Murmu, the rebellion targeted the oppressive dikus, literally “outsiders”, including zamindars, mahajans, and British officials.
An old conflict
- Jains believe that an ancient king donated the Parasnath Hill to the community. But revenue department official P C Roy Choudhury in the 1957 Hazaribagh District Gazetteer wrote that “the oldest of the [Jain] temples appears to date only from AD 1765.”
- It was in 1911 that the conflict between Adivasis and Jains over Marang Buru/Parasnath officially entered state records.
- “Parasnath is the Marang Buru or hill deity of the Santals… Each year they assemble during the full moon of Baisakh… and celebrate a religious hunt for three days; after which a great tribal session is held…
- The entry of this custom in the record-of-rights which was prepared in 1911… was followed by the institution of a suit by the Swetamber Jains who have declared that no such custom exists, his account describes the Sendra festival which has been a frequent flash point in the Santal-Jain conflict over the hill.
- During the three-day-long Sendra, all male members of the Santal community head into the forest to hunt. “It’s a rebirth for Santal men. Either die or hunt to survive,” Arjun Marandi, a community elder.
- For Jains, who follow a rigorous spiritually-motivated vegetarian diet, Sendra has long caused consternation. But initial attempts to ban hunting on the hill were unsuccessful.
- The aforementioned suit was dismissed by the district court, and upon appeal, rejected by the Patna High Court in 1917. “[The plaintiffs’] grievance, if any, is hyper sentimental,” the court observed.
- The Privy Council, the highest court of appeal in British India, later held that Santals have a customary right to hunt on Parasnath Hill, Roy Choudhury wrote in the 1957 Gazetteer.
After Independence
- Continuing pressure from dikus and concerns regarding India’s depleting forests gradually eroded Adivasi rights over the hill post-Independence.
- In 1972, the year in which the Indira Gandhi government passed the Wildlife Protection Act, Adivasi villages around Marang Buru lost their status under the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution.
- Areas included in the Fifth Schedule give Scheduled Tribes certain special rights with regards to administration and control of resources. The forested area on and around the hill was designated as a wildlife sanctuary in 1978, which further reduced Adivasi rights over it.
- As a result, rituals at the Jug Jaher Than in Marang Buru were halted from the 1970s to 2000, the year Jharkhand attained statehood. Ajay Tudu, a prominent Santali activist who led the movement for the resumption of Adivasi rituals at Marang Buru, was shot dead by unknown assailants in 2008.
- But even in a state created with the ostensible purpose of politically empowering Adivasis, there have been continuing impediments on Santal customary practices in Parasnath.
- Most recently, a 2023 memorandum by the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change ordered that no alcohol or meat be served within a 25 km radius of the hill — an area encompassing 99, mostly Adivasi, villages — out of respect for the sentiments of the Jain community.
- The memo also banned serving eggs or meat in Anganwadi centres and primary schools in the area, Naman Priyesh Lakra, the Deputy Commissioner of Giridih district. The recent HC order pertained to the enforcement of this MoEFCC directive.
- DC Lakra said that following the HC order the number of home guards in the area has been increased to prevent illegal activities by villagers or outsiders.
- Nonetheless, earlier this week, Santals celebrated the Sendra festival in the jungles of Marang Buru. The Marang Buru Sanvta Susaar Baisi (MBSSB), a local Santal association led by Sikandar Hembrom, has also filed a counter-petition asserting Santals’ traditional rights over the hill.
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Why and how does the RBI transfer ‘surplus’ to the government?
- By and large, with a few exceptions, the quantum of surplus transfer averages around 0.5% of the GDP.
- The central board of directors of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) on Thursday (May 15) reviewed the Economic Capital Framework (ECF), which is used to determine risk provisioning and surplus distribution by the central bank to the government.
- It is estimated that for the accounting year 2024-25, the RBI may transfer a record sum ranging between Rs 2.5 lakh crore and Rs 3 lakh crore as surplus to the government. In 2023-24, the RBI had transferred the highest-ever surplus of Rs 2.11 lakh crore.
- The central board of the RBI is likely to meet next week to determine the dividend amount. Unlike the banks it regulates, the RBI isn’t a company that announces a dividend. So, how does the transfer of its surplus work out? Why have governments occasionally demanded greater dividends from the central bank? We explain.
How does a central bank like the RBI make profits?
- The RBI is a “full service” central bank — not only is it mandated to keep inflation or prices in check through monetary policy, it is also supposed to manage the borrowings of the Government of India and state governments; supervise or regulate banks and non-banking finance companies; and manage the currency and payment systems.
- While carrying out these functions or operations, it registers profits. Typically, the central bank’s income comes from the returns it earns on its foreign currency assets, which could be in the form of bonds and treasury bills of other central banks or top-rated securities, and deposits with other central banks.
- It also earns interest on its holdings of local rupee-denominated government bonds or securities, and while lending to banks for very short tenures, such as overnight. It claims a management commission on handling the borrowings of state governments and the central government.
- Its expenditure is mainly on the printing of currency notes and staff, besides the commission it gives to banks for undertaking transactions on behalf of the government across the country, and to primary dealers, including banks, for underwriting some of these borrowings.
What is the nature of the arrangement between the government and RBI on the transfer of surplus or profits?
- The RBI isn’t a commercial organisation like the banks or other companies that are owned or controlled by the government – it does not, as such, pay a “dividend” to the owner out of the profits it generates.
- Although the RBI was promoted as a private shareholders’ bank in 1935 with a paid-up capital of Rs 5 crore, the government nationalised it in January 1949, making the sovereign its “owner”.
- What the central bank does, therefore, is transfer the “surplus” – that is, the excess of income over expenditure – to the government, in accordance with Section 47 (Allocation of Surplus Profits) of the Reserve Bank of India Act, 1934: “After making provision for bad and doubtful debts, depreciation in assets, contributions to staff and superannuation fund [and for all other matters for which] provision is to be made by or under this Act or which are usually provided for by bankers, the balance, of the profits shall be paid to the Central Government.”
- The Central Board of the RBI does this in early August, after the July-June accounting year is over.
Does the RBI pay tax on these earnings or profits?
- No. Its statute provides an exemption from paying income-tax or any other tax, including wealth tax. Section 48 (Exemption of Bank from income-tax and super-tax) of the RBI Act, 1934, says: “Notwithstanding anything contained in [the Income-Tax Act, 1961], or any other enactment for the time being in force relating to income-tax or super-tax, the Bank shall not be liable to pay income-tax or super-tax on any of its income, profits or gains.”
Is there an explicit policy on the distribution of surplus?
- No. But a Technical Committee of the RBI Board headed by Y H Malegam, which reviewed the adequacy of reserves and a surplus distribution policy, recommended, in 2013, a higher transfer to the government.
- Earlier, the RBI transferred part of the surplus to the Contingency Fund, to meet unexpected and unforeseen contingencies, and to the Asset Development Fund, to meet internal capital expenditure and investments in its subsidiaries, in keeping with the recommendation of a committee to build contingency reserves of 12% of its balance sheet.
- But after the Malegam committee made its recommendation, in 2013-14, the RBI’s transfer of surplus to the government as a percentage of gross income (less expenditure) shot up to 99.99% from 53.40% in 2012-13.
Have the RBI and the government differed on this issue?
- The government has long held that, going by global benchmarks, the RBI’s reserves are far in excess of prudential requirements. Former Chief Economic Advisor Arvind Subramanian had suggested that these funds be utilised to provide capital to government-owned banks.
- The central bank, on its part, has traditionally preferred to be more cautious and build its reserves, keeping in mind potential threats from financial shocks, and the need to ensure financial stability and provide confidence to the markets.
- From the central bank’s perspective, bigger reserves on its balance sheet are crucial to maintaining its autonomy. The quantum of surplus transfer has, however, not been a major factor in defining the central bank’s relationship with the government — “a settlement is reached with both sides showing some flexibility”, former RBI Governor Duvvuri Subbarao has written.
How do other central banks manage the transfer of surplus?
- Like in India, central banks in both the UK and the US decide after consultations with the government. But in Japan, it is the government that decides.
- By and large, with a few exceptions, the quantum of surplus transfer averages around 0.5% of the GDP.
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Domestic Systemically Important Banks
- The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) retained the State Bank of India, HDFC Bank and ICICI Bank as Domestic Systemically Important Banks (D-SIBs).
- Systemically Important Banks (SIBs) are perceived as banks that are ‘Too Big To Fail (TBTF)’ and their continued functioning is crucial for the uninterrupted availability of essential banking services to the real economy.
- — Banks are classified into distinct categories based on their systemic importance score. The RBI has classified SBI into bucket 4, HDFC Bank in bucket 3, and ICICI Bank in bucket 1.
- D-SIB must meet additional common equity requirements depending on the bucket in which it is put. The additional capital requirement ranges from 0.20 percent to 0.80 percent of risk weighted assets, depending on which bucket D-SIBs are plotted in.
- The RBI stated that SBI’s additional common equity tier 1 (CET1) requirement as a percentage of Risk Weighted Assets (RWAs) is 0.80%. The additional fund requirement for HDFC Bank is 0.40 percent, whereas for ICICI Bank it is 0.20 percent.
- If a foreign bank with a branch in India is a Global Systemically Important Bank (G-SIB), it must maintain an additional CET1 capital surcharge in India proportionate to its Risk Weighted Assets (RWAs) in India, i.e., additional CET1 buffer prescribed by the home regulator (amount) multiplied by India RWA as per consolidated global Group books divided by total consolidated global Group RWA.
- D-SIBs are segregated into different buckets based on their systemic importance scores, and subject to loss absorbency capital surcharge in a graded manner depending on the buckets, in which they are placed. A D-SIB in the lower bucket attracts lower capital charge and a D-SIB in higher bucket attracts a higher capital charge.
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India steps up efforts for UN ban on group linked to Kashmir attack
- India is actively engaging with the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and its 1267 Sanctions Committee to push for the designation of The Resistance Front (TRF) as a UN-listed terrorist organization. TRF, a proxy for Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), had claimed responsibility for the April 22 Pahalgam attack, which resulted in 26 casualties
- India’s push at the United Nations comes after the UN Security Council (UNSC) issued a statement condemning the attack but did not explicitly name TRF as the responsible group5. Pakistan, with support from China, has reportedly blocked efforts to designate TRF under the UNSC 1267 Sanctions Committee, which oversees sanctions on terrorist entities
India’s Diplomatic Efforts at the UN
- Indian Delegation Meetings: Indian officials have met with top representatives from the UN Office of Counter-Terrorism (UNOCT) and the Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate (CTED) to present evidence linking TRF to the attack3.
- Engagement with the 1267 Sanctions Committee: A technical team from India is currently in New York, engaging with the UNSC’s monitoring team to push for TRF’s designation2.
- Evidence Submission: India has provided intelligence reports, financial trails, and operational documents demonstrating TRF’s links to Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).
- Operation Sindoor: Following the attack, India launched Operation Sindoor, targeting terror infrastructure in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir
United Nations Office of Counter-Terrorism (UNOCT)
- The United Nations Counter-Terrorism Centre (UNCCT) was established in September 2011 to promote international counter-terrorism cooperation and support Member States in the implementation of the Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy through a voluntary contribution of the government of Saudi Arabia.
- On June 15, 2017, the UN General Assembly established the United Nations Office of Counter-Terrorism (UNOCT) and decided to transfer UNCCT, together with its staff and all associated resources, to the new Office.
- The creation of the UNOCT is considered as the first major institutional reform undertaken by the UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres following his report on the capability of the United Nations to assist Member States in implementing the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy.
Main functions of UNOCT:
- i) Provide leadership on the General Assembly counter-terrorism mandates entrusted to the Secretary-General from across the United Nations system.
- ii) Enhance coordination and coherence across the Global Counter-Terrorism Coordination Compact entities to ensure the balanced implementation of the four pillars of the UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy.
- iii) Strengthen the delivery of United Nations counter-terrorism capacity-building assistance to Member States.
- iv) Improve visibility, advocacy and resource mobilisation for United Nations counter-terrorism efforts.
- v) Ensure that due priority is given to counter-terrorism across the United Nations system and that the important work on preventing violent extremism is firmly rooted in the Strategy.
- vi) Strengthen the delivery of the United Nations counter-terrorism capacity building assistance to Member States, through the United Nations Counter-Terrorism Centre (UNCCT).
- The UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy and its biennial General Assembly Review resolutions provide the substance of UNOCT’s mandate.
Pillars of the United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy:
- The United Nations Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy is composed of four pillars.
- They are:
- i) Measures to address the conditions conducive to the spread of terrorism.
- ii) Measures to prevent and combat terrorism.
- iii) Measures to build States’ capacity to prevent and combat terrorism and to strengthen the role of the United Nations system in that regard.
- iv) Measures to ensure respect for human rights for all and the rule of law as the fundamental basis of the fight against terrorism.
- • The UNOCT works closely with UN Member States, UN entities, civil society, international and regional organisations, academia and other stakeholders strengthening existing and developing new partnerships to effectively prevent and counter terrorism.
The United Nations Trust Fund for Counter-Terrorism
- The Fund was established in 2009 by the Secretary-General and transferred to UNOCT when it was created in 2017 following General Assembly resolution.
- The Fund accepts contributions from governments, inter-governmental and non-governmental organisations, private institutions and individuals.
- Contributions may be unearmarked or earmarked for one of UNOCT’s global programmes or specific initiatives.
- Since its inception in 2009 until March 31, 2024, UNOCT mobilised $379.5 million in pledges from 42 funding partners and through allocations from the United Nations Peace and Development Trust Fund.
Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate (CTED)
- The Counter-Terrorism Committee (CTC) was established by UN Security Council in the wake of 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States.
- The Committee, comprising all 15 Security Council members, was tasked with monitoring implementation of measures intended to enhance their legal and institutional ability to counter terrorist activities at home, in their regions and around the world.
It includes taking steps to:
- i) Criminalise the financing of terrorism.
- ii) Freeze without delay any funds related to persons involved in acts of terrorism.
- iii) Deny all forms of financial support for terrorist groups.
- iv) Suppress the provision of safe haven, sustenance or support for terrorists.
- v) Share information with other governments on any groups practicing or planning terrorist acts.
- vi) Cooperate with other governments in the investigation, detection, arrest, extradition and prosecution of those involved in such acts.
- vii) Criminalise active and passive assistance for terrorism in domestic law and bring violators to justice.
- The UNSC established the Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate (CTED) to assist the work of the CTC and coordinate the process of monitoring the implementation of the measures.
- CTED became fully staffed in September 2005 and was formally declared operational in December 2005.
- CTED’s mandate was extended until the end of 2025.
- CTED comprises some 40 staff members, about half of whom are legal experts who analyze the reports submitted by States in areas such as legislative drafting, the financing of terrorism, border and customs controls, police and law enforcement, refugee and migration law, arms trafficking and maritime and transportation security. CTED also has a senior human rights officer.
- CTED is divided into two sections: an Assessment and Technical Assistance Office (ATAO), which is further divided into three geographical clusters to enable the experts to specialise in particular regions of the world, and an Administrative and Information Office (AIO)
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International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the nuclear watchdog
- The global nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), has said that there has been “no radiation leak” from any nuclear facility in Pakistan after the escalated military engagement with India.
- During Operation Sindoor, Sargodha, one of Pakistan’s biggest air bases, near Kirana Hills, was targeted by India. Kirana Hills is reported to house some nuclear installations.
- On Monday (12th May), Air Marshal A K Bharti, DG Air Operations, had said that India has not hit any target in Pakistan’s Kirana Hills.
- Established in 1957, the IAEA was created in response to the deep fears and expectations generated by the increased use of nuclear technology. It was the result of U.S. President Eisenhower’s “Atoms for Peace” address to the General Assembly of the United Nations on 8 December 1953.
- In 2005, the IAEA and its Director General, Mohamed ElBaradei, were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for their work for a safer and more peaceful world. The Committee honoured the IAEA and its leader “for their efforts to prevent nuclear energy from being used for military purposes and to ensure that nuclear energy for peaceful purposes is used in the safest possible way.”
- IAEA Safeguards are embedded in legally binding agreements. These safeguards are accepted by the states after the conclusion of such agreements with the agency. It plays a central role in preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons through the independent verification of States’ compliance with nuclear non-proliferation undertakings.
- According to the IAEA, there are three types of safeguard agreements and each may be complemented with the Additional Protocol (AP).
- (a) comprehensive safeguards agreements with non-nuclear-weapon State parties to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT);
- (b) voluntary offer safeguards agreements with the nuclear-weapon State parties to the NPT; and
- (c) item-specific safeguards agreements with non-NPT States.
- In 2014, India ratified the Additional Protocol (AP), which granted the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) greater access to India’s civil nuclear programme. India has signed an item-specific safeguards agreement under the IAEA along with Pakistan and Israel. They are nuclear-power states that are not a member of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG).
- In 2009, the Incident and Emergency Centre was established by the IAEA for the coordination of international assistance in emergency preparedness and response to radiation incidents and emergencies — regardless of their cause or severity.
Nuclear Export Control Regime
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- Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR): Established in 1987, MTCR is an “informal political understanding among states that seek to limit the proliferation of missiles and missile technology”. It has 35 members. India was admitted in June 2016. China is not a member.
- Australia Group: It is “an informal forum of countries which, through the harmonisation of export controls, seeks to ensure that exports do not contribute to the development of chemical or biological weapons.” On 19 January 2018, India formally became the 43rd member of the Australia Group.
- Wassenaar Arrangement (WA): The WA, formally established in 1996, aims to promote “transparency and greater responsibility in transfers of conventional arms and dual-use goods and technologies”, so there are no “destabilising accumulations”, and terrorists do not acquire them. In 2017, India joined WA as the 42nd Participating State.
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Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG)
- Following India’s 1974 nuclear tests, the US pushed for setting up a club of nuclear equipment and fissile material suppliers, the NSG. The 48-nation group frames and implements agreed rules for exporting nuclear equipment, with a view to controlling the spread of nuclear weapons; members are admitted only by consensus.
- India has been trying, since 2008, to join the group, which would give it a place at the high table where the rules of nuclear commerce are decided — and, eventually, the ability to sell equipment.
- NSG aims to strengthen the global nuclear non-proliferation regime, whose centrepiece is the 1968 Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, or NPT. The NPT defines “nuclear weapons states” as those that tested devices before January 1, 1967 — which means India cannot ever be one. India — like Israel and Pakistan — thus refused to sign the treaty.
- Nuclear energy was a key means to strengthen cooperation, but since India wasn’t a member of the NPT, technology couldn’t be shared. Through the US-India Civil Nuclear Agreement, a way forward was reached.
- India agreed to separate its civilian and military nuclear programmes, and put the civilian part under International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards. India also changed its export laws to line up with the NSG, MTCR, Wassenaar Arrangement, and Australia Group — the four key nuclear control regimes.
- In February 2025, both sides committed to “fully realise” the US-India 123 Civil Nuclear Agreement, alongside a pledge to move forward on plans to work together to build American-designed nuclear reactors in India through large scale localisation and possible technology transfer.
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DRDO develops advanced polymeric membrane for desalination of sea water
- The Defence Research & Development Organisation (DRDO) has successfully developed a high-pressure nanoporous multi-layered polymeric membrane for seawater desalination.
- The advanced membrane, designed to withstand harsh saline conditions, has been developed by the Kanpur-based Defence Materials Stores and Research & Development Establishment (DMSRDE), a premier laboratory under DRDO.
- According to a statement issued by the Ministry of Defence on Thursday, the indigenous technology has been specifically tailored to meet the operational needs of the Indian Coast Guard (ICG) ships.
- The development, completed in a record time of just eight months, addresses the serious challenge of membrane degradation caused by exposure to chloride ions in saline water.
- DMSRDE, in collaboration with the Indian Coast Guard, has successfully conducted initial technical trials using the new membrane in an existing desalination unit onboard an Offshore Patrolling Vessel (OPV). The initial safety and performance results have been found to be fully satisfactory, the Ministry said.
- “The final operational clearance will be given by ICG after 500 hours of operational testing,” the statement added.
- Currently, the new membrane is undergoing further trials on an OPV. Once fully approved, it holds the potential to significantly benefit desalination efforts in coastal areas, with minor modifications for civilian use as well.
What is desalination?
- The scarcity of freshwater resources and the need for additional water supplies is already critical in many arid regions of the world and will be increasingly important in the future. Many arid areas simply do not have freshwater resources in the form of surface water such as rivers and lakes.
- They may have only limited underground water resources, some that are becoming more brackish as extraction of water from the aquifers continues.
- The process of converting saline water into drinking quality water is called desalination.
- Solar desalination evaporation is used by nature to produce rain, which is the main source of freshwater on Earth.
- The main hurdle that must be overcome to turn seawater into freshwater is to remove the dissolved salt in seawater. That may seem as easy as just boiling some seawater in a pan, capturing the steam and condensing it back into water (distillation).
- Desalination has been used for thousands of years. Greek sailors boiled water so that fresh water could evaporate away from the salt. Also, the Romans trapped salt with clay filters.
- Other methods are also available, but these technological processes must be done on a large scale to be useful to large populations. However, the current processes are expensive, energy-intensive, and involve large-scale facilities.
- Another way saline water is desalinised is by reverse osmosis procedure. In simplistic terms, water, containing dissolved salt molecules, is forced through a semi-permeable membrane (essentially a filter), in which the larger salt molecules do not get through the membrane holes but the smaller water molecules do.
- Reverse osmosis is an effective means to desalinate saline water, but it is more expensive than other methods.
- Today, desalination plants are used to convert seawater to drinking water on ships and in many arid regions of the world, and to treat water in other areas that is fouled by natural and unnatural contaminants.
- There are about 15,000 desalination plants around the world. The most notable and biggest plants are in the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Israel. Saudi Arabia has some of the largest desalination facilities in the world
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What is the total allowable catch?
- The total allowable catch (TAC) is a limit on the total quantity of fish that fishers can catch in a particular area. It’s usual for agencies and governments worldwide that have jurisdiction over fisheries or fish stock in seas, oceans, lakes, etc. to impose a TAC to prevent fishers from catching and removing too many fish from the water body.
- TACs are important so that the fish population in a water body can maintain a minimum size every year that allows it to sustain itself. Without a TAC, overfishing can remove too many fish, leaving behind too few for the population to sustain itself.
- This is the same reason why India imposes a monsoon fishing ban -- equivalent to a TAC of zero -- for 61 days every year in its exclusive economic zone, from April 15 to June 14 on the east coast and June 1 to July 31 on the west coast.
- Another TAC was recently in the news in an escalating dispute involving the US and Russia. Last month, a US judge blocked the import of Patagonia toothfish caught in the South Atlantic Ocean.
- Since 2021, Russia has refused to admit a TAC for this species in this area set by the Commission on the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources.
- The rejection forced all other countries on the Commission to set their own limits. The UK subsequently adopted a lower TAC for the Patagonian toothfish in the area
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What is special about a squirrel’s nest? Why do creatures make nests?
- “The main reasons for making nests is for protection from predators (and weather phenomena like storms, heavy rain), breeding and thermoregulation,” says Sreejith Sivaraman, Kerala Forest Research Institute (KFRI).
- “With the rapid increase of urbanisation, green cover has disappeared and squirrels try to seek shelter and make nests in buildings (and branches of trees due to lack of cavity bearing trees.
- This behaviour is not seen in the wild among squirrels). They might perceive that these regions, closer to humans, may pose less of a threat and that they could provide them safety from predators such as snakes and raptors (or birds),”
Squirrels and nesting
- Squirrels belong to the rodent family and their nesting habits are species specific. The Indian palm squirrel, the three-striped squirrel that we normally see around us chooses hollow trees, cavities, etc to make their nests.
- As green spaces reduce, different species of the urban wildlife tend to compete among themselves for making their nests, because of which they might end up choosing buildings.
- Interestingly, the materials used for nesting also differ between a squirrel living in the forest and one in urban areas, says Sreejith.
- In the wild, a squirrel could make use of materials such as dry leaves, moss, twigs, tree bark and natural fibres to make nests. When it comes to urban areas, they take what is available, including plastic.
Nesting habits
- The female squirrel will start building its nest once the mating process is complete. In two days it would have built its nest. The gestation period for the squirrel is 40-45 days and the litter size varies from 2 to 4.
- The babies will open their eyes in 24-30 days. They are hairless and sport a pinkish colour when they are born. “In two weeks time they will get their incisors. One unique thing about the incisors is that they are ever growing.
- In the case of rodents, their incisors never stop growing, which is why they need to keep gnawing at something, to keep it shaped and small. If not, these could grow longer, pierce into their jaws and even cause death,” he says. From the 12th day, their hair will start growing.
- The babies will feed on the mother’s milk and the chewed food she provides for up to two months. After that, they will be ready for solid food. Once they become adults, they are ready to leave the nest.
- The process of nest building is different in different species of squirrels. Giant squirrels are seen to make multiple nests in trees. They will choose the highest canopy and build multiple nests.
- They can finish each nest in a matter of hours. On a given day they would complete two nests. Once complete, they choose a nest which they feel is safe among the nests they have built.
- “They build multiple nests so they can confuse the predators. Further, they can also move their babies between these nests once they perceive a threat or a predator attack” says Sreejith.
Struggles in the urbanscape
- A Life in the urban areas is a challenge for these species. “What has to be noted is that they didn’t arrive from the forests. They have been living in our urban landscape. But as the frequency of urbanisation increases and tree cover and microhabitats are lost, life gets challenging for them,” he says.
- What can you do then, as a human living in an urban setting?
Co-existence and preservation of microhabitats
- The definition of a healthy tree may vary from the perspective of a silviculturist or a commoner and an ecologist. A healthy tree is not one that flaunts a golden-brown tree bark with no cavities. “But one with cavities and fissures. Because these are microhabitats, which give a home to a wide range of species
- As the march of our civilisation amplifies and continues, animals are finding it harder to exist amongst us. So what can be done? “The answer is co-existence,”
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