Latvia, Congo: India outreach to members of UNSC, now and future

• India’s multi-party outreach to rally global support for its war against terror emanating from Pakistan is not just aimed at major countries and the West Asian region, but also at countries that will be members of the UN Security Council (UNSC) next year.
• Latvia, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Bahrain, Liberia and Colombia will be part of the UNSC for a two-year period from January 1, 2026 till December 31, 2027.
• Pakistan is a non-permanent member of the UNSC in 2025-2026. As part of its efforts to isolate Islamabad internationally, India wants to convey its concerns about Pakistan’s support to terror groups and terror infrastructure.
• The teams will go to countries which are permanent members of the UNSC — the US, UK, France and Russia, but leaving out China, which is seen as an all-weather friend and a benefactor of Pakistan.
• Among the non-permanent members, they will tour countries whose terms expire in December this year — Algeria, Guyana, Republic of Korea, Sierra Leone and Slovenia – as well as the countries which will replace them next January.
• India’s outreach to the UNSC members (both current and incoming) is important. Delhi and Islamabad had a face-off when the UNSC statement was negotiated in New York after the Pahalgam terror attack — Pakistan had the advantage of being a current non-permanent member.
• The teams will also visit key Muslim-majority countries in West Asia and South East Asia — Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar, Egypt, Kuwait, Indonesia and Malaysia. These are all prominent members of the OIC grouping and once-strong supporters of Pakistan – they have become more pragmatic and positive on their ties with India.
• Barring Canada, with which relations are still in the process of being repaired, the teams are also going to the remaining G7 countries — Germany, Italy, Japan and the European Union. Spain is also added as an important European partner country, which is usually invited for the G20 summit.
• Brazil and South Africa have been included as important BRICS partner countries, as well as G20 members. Ethiopia has been included as it hosts the African Union’s headquarters. Singapore, also a major partner country, is located at the information hub of the South-East Asian region.

Do You Know:

• The United Nations (UN) came into existence on 24 October 1945, after being ratified by 51 nations, which included five permanent members or P5 (France, the Republic of China, the Soviet Union, the UK and the US) and 46 other signatories. The first meeting of the General Assembly took place on January 10, 1946. At present, 193 countries are members of the United Nations.
• The UN Charter established six main organs of the United Nations, including the UN Security Council (UNSC). The UNSC held its first session on 17 January 1946 at Church House, Westminster, London. Since its first meeting, the Security Council has taken permanent residence at the United Nations Headquarters in New York City.
• The UNSC is composed of 15 members: five permanent members — China, France, Russian Federation, the United States, and the United Kingdom — and 10 non-permanent members who are elected by the General Assembly.
•  The non-permanent members are elected for two-year terms — so every year, the General Assembly elects five non-permanent members out of the total 10.

NADA India hosts WADA’s Global Anti-Doping Intelligence & Investigations Network Workshop in New Delhi

• National Anti-Doping Agency (NADA) India with support from the Ministry of Youth Affairs & Sports, hosted the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) Intelligence & Investigations (I&I) Workshop from 12 to 16 May 2025 in New Delhi.
• The event, organized under the aegis of WADA and in partnership with INTERPOL and Sport Integrity Australia, was attended by representatives from National Anti- Doping Organizations (NADOs) and law enforcement agencies from India, Indonesia, Maldives, Sri Lanka, Philippines and officials from South Asia Regional Anti-Doping Organization.
• It brought together intelligence and investigations experts from across the globe to share knowledge, strengthen cooperation, and enhance the global anti-doping system.
• Over the five-day workshop, participants engaged in comprehensive sessions on intelligence functions and investigative techniques, confidential source management, open-source research, and analytical and interviewing methods. The sessions underscored the importance of proactive and coordinated approaches to safeguarding athletes and upholding the integrity of sport.
• WADA holds the third Intelligence & Investigations Capability and Capacity Building Project workshop in New Delhi from May 12 to 16.
• The five-day workshop was hosted by the National Anti-Doping Agency of India (NADA) with support from the  Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports and in partnership with INTERPOL and Sport Integrity Australia. 
• It brought together representatives of law enforcement agencies and National Anti-Doping Organisations (NADOs) across the region. 
• The workshop is part of the Capability and Capacity Building Project, a key initiative contributing to the development of WADA’s Global Anti-Doping Intelligence and Investigations Network (GAIIN).
• Along with identifying opportunities for collaboration between NADOs and law enforcement, the workshop focused on several intelligence & investigation topics, namely: 
• i) Intelligence functions and investigative techniques.
• ii) Confidential source management.
• iii) Open-source research.
• iv) Analytical and interviewing methods.

What is WADA?

• The World Anti-Doping Agency was established in 1999 as an international independent agency composed and funded equally by the sport movement and governments of the world. 
• Its key activities include scientific research, education, development of anti-doping capacities and monitoring of the World Anti-Doping Code — the document harmonising anti-doping policies in all sports and all countries.
• The organisation’s headquarters is in Montreal, Canada.
• WADA is composed of a foundation board, an executive committee and several committees.
• The 42-member foundation board is WADA’s supreme decision-making body. It is composed equally of representatives from the Olympic Movement and governments.
• The foundation board delegates the actual management and running of the agency, including the performance of activities and the administration of assets, to the executive committee, WADA’s ultimate policy-making body.
• The 12-member executive committee is also composed equally of representatives from the Olympic Movement and governments.
• WADA’s presidency — a volunteer position — alternates between the Olympic Movement and governments.
• WADA’s committees act as advisory committees and provide guidance for the agency’s programmes.

National Anti-Doping Agency (NADA)

•  The National Anti-Doping Agency (NADA) was set up in India as a registered society under the Societies Registration Act of 1890 on November 24, 2005 with a mandate for dope-free sports in India. 
• The objectives are to implement anti-doping rules as per WADA code, regulate dope control programme, to promote education and research and creating awareness about doping and its ill-effects.
• NADA collaborates with WADA and other national anti-doping organisations to strengthen clean sporting practices, contribute to evolving the guidelines and ensure athletes can compete on a level playing field across the world.
• It works in close collaboration with the sport ecosystem to create a dope-free sporting environment in the country.

The primary functions of NADA are:

• i) Implement the Anti-Doping Code to achieve compliance by all sports organisations in the country.
• ii) Coordinate dope testing programme through all participating stakeholders.
• iii) Promote anti-doping research and education to inculcate the value of dope-free sports.
• iv) Adopt best practice standards and quality systems to enable effective implementation and continual improvement of the programme.

Administrative and Budgetary Committee (Fifth Committee)

•  ‘The United Nations is grappling with a deepening financial crisis, as Member States owe $2.4 billion in unpaid regular budget dues and $2.7 billion in peacekeeping contributions2. This shortfall has forced the UN to cut spending, freeze hiring, and scale back services, raising concerns about its ability to fulfill its mandates2.
• One proposed solution is to allow the UN to temporarily retain unspent funds at the end of the year instead of returning them to Member States as credits. Currently, these funds must be returned, even if they arrive late in the year, leaving little time for the UN to utilize them2. This change could act as a buffer to sustain operations, particularly in January when payments tend to lag.
• The UN regular budget operates on a calendar-year basis.  When Member States make their assessed payments late in the year — especially in November or December — the organisation has very little time to use those funds. As a result, much of the money remains unspent by year’s end, with opportunities being lost to implement planned activities and deliver results within the budget year.
• The suggested change would act as a buffer to keep operations running, particularly in January when payments tend to lag.
• While these fixes may help, several speakers emphasized that the root cause is the continued late or non-payment of dues. They noted such temporary measures won’t solve the underlying problem and urged Member States to support bold financial reforms.

What is the Fifth Committee?

• The Fifth Committee is the General Assembly’s main Administrative and Budgetary Committee, where all financial and programme matters concerning the UN system are discussed.
• Every year, it considers and approves the organisation’s budget.
• The Fifth Committee is the Administrative and Budgetary Committee of the United Nations General Assembly. It plays a crucial role in overseeing the financial and programmatic aspects of the UN system. Every year, the committee reviews and approves the UN’s budget, ensuring that resources are allocated efficiently to support the organization’s operations.

The General Assembly has six main committees, each responsible for different areas:

• First Committee: Focuses on Disarmament & International Security.
• Second Committee: Deals with Economic & Financial matters.
• Third Committee: Covers Social, Humanitarian & Cultural issues.
• Fourth Committee: Handles Special Political & Decolonization topics.
• Fifth Committee: Manages Administrative & Budgetary concerns.
• Sixth Committee: Addresses Legal matters.
• The Fifth Committee’s work is essential for maintaining the financial stability of the UN. It ensures that Member States’ contributions are properly managed and that the organization can continue its vital global missions

Main functions of the Fifth Committee

•  The Fifth Committee of the United Nations General Assembly is responsible for administrative and budgetary matters. Its main functions include:
• Budget Approval: It reviews and approves the UN’s regular budget and peacekeeping budget, ensuring financial stability for the organization.
• Financial Oversight: The committee examines Member State contributions, how funds are allocated, and financial arrangements with specialized agencies.
• Human Resources Management: It oversees staffing policies, including recruitment, salaries, and benefits for UN personnel.
• Governance & Accountability: The committee works on management reforms, governance improvements, and oversight mechanisms to enhance efficiency.
• Peacekeeping Financing: It considers budgetary aspects of UN peacekeeping operations, ensuring missions receive adequate funding.
• Review of Resolutions: Before any draft resolution with financial implications is presented to the General Assembly, the Fifth Committee examines its budgetary impact.
• The committee operates in three sessions throughout the year: a main session (September–December), a resumed session (March), and a second resumed session (May), where peacekeeping finances are discussed. It plays a crucial role in ensuring the UN’s financial health and operational effectiveness.

What impact does the Fifth Committee have on global governance?

• The Fifth Committee plays a crucial role in global governance by ensuring the financial stability and operational efficiency of the United Nations. Its impact extends beyond budgetary matters, influencing the UN’s ability to carry out its mandates effectively.

Key Impacts on Global Governance:

• Financial Oversight: The Fifth Committee ensures that Member States’ contributions are properly managed, preventing financial crises that could hinder the UN’s ability to respond to global challenges.
• Peacekeeping Operations: By approving peacekeeping budgets, the committee directly affects the UN’s ability to deploy and sustain missions in conflict zones worldwide.
• Institutional Accountability: It reviews management reforms and governance structures, promoting transparency and efficiency within the UN system.
• Policy Implementation: The committee’s decisions shape how resources are allocated, influencing the effectiveness of UN programs related to human rights, development, and security.
• Crisis Response: When financial constraints arise, the Fifth Committee’s actions determine whether the UN can continue delivering humanitarian aid, conflict resolution, and diplomatic efforts.
• Without the Fifth Committee’s oversight, the UN would struggle to maintain its credibility and operational capacity, affecting its ability to address global issues such as climate change, poverty, and international security. Its work ensures that the UN remains a functional and influential force in global governance.

Additional Information :

• The UN Security Council makes decisions on military action based on Chapter VII of the UN Charter, which outlines measures for maintaining international peace and security

Decision-Making Process:

• Determining a Threat: The Council first assesses whether there is a threat to peace, breach of peace, or act of aggression (Article 39).
• Provisional Measures: Before resorting to force, the Council may impose diplomatic or economic sanctions to prevent escalation (Article 40).
• Non-Military Actions: If necessary, the Council can enforce sanctions, trade restrictions, or diplomatic isolation (Article 41).
• Authorization of Military Action: If non-military measures fail, the Council may authorize military intervention, including blockades, airstrikes, or ground forces (Article 42).
• Member State Contributions: UN Member States may be required to provide troops, assistance, and logistical support (Article 43).
• Voting & Approval: A resolution must receive at least 9 votes from the 15-member Council, with no vetoes from the five permanent members (China, France, Russia, the UK, and the US).
• The Security Council has used military action in cases such as peacekeeping missions, humanitarian interventions, and responses to aggression. However, political disagreements among permanent members often influence decisions, making military action a complex and highly debated process.

 In nuclear energy push, Govt to allow private operators, limit their liability

• The government is likely to move two crucial amendments in the laws governing the country’s atomic energy sector in the upcoming monsoon session of Parliament, according to sources aware of the developments.
• The first relates to the easing of provisions in the nuclear liability law, which would effectively cap the liability of equipment vendors in the event of an accident, both in terms of limiting the monetary exposure to the original value of the contract, and a possible time frame limitation on when this liability would apply.
• The second amendment is aimed at enabling private companies to enter nuclear power plant operations in the country, and this could also entail foreign companies potentially taking a minority equity exposure in upcoming nuclear power projects.
• Hitherto, atomic energy has been one of India’s most closed sectors. The twin legal amendments are being seen as a reform push that could help leverage the commercial potential of the Indo-US civil nuclear deal nearly two decades after it was inked. New Delhi is also keen to package this as part of a broader trade and investment outreach with Washington DC, which could eventually culminate with a trade pact that is currently under negotiation.
• The two amendments are expected to take care of niggling legal bottlenecks which are seen to have stymied foreign investments in the atomic energy sector.
• The Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act, 2010, which sought to create a mechanism for compensating victims from damage caused by a nuclear accident, and allocating liability and specifying procedures for compensation, has been cited as an impediment by foreign players such as GE-Hitachi, Westinghouse and French nuclear company Areva (now Framatome).
• Amendments to the Atomic Energy Act, 1962 are being initiated to enable private companies, and possibly even foreign players at a later stage, to enter nuclear generation as operators. Currently, this is restricted to state-owned companies such as NPCIL or NTPC Ltd.
• The government has committed to getting both these legislations passed. An explicit assurance to this effect was made in the Union Budget presented earlier this year, even though the legislative route for at least one of the two proposed bills would be an arduous one.
• All this comes less than two months after the US Department of Energy (DoE) accorded an unprecedented regulatory clearance to Camden, New Jersey-based Holtec International, that potentially sets it on course to leverage the commercial potential of the Indo-US civil nuclear deal.
• The March 26 approval from DoE effectively cleared Holtec International’s application for specific authorisation with respect to the DoE’s restrictive regulation that is referred to as ‘10CFR810’. This specific authorisation (SA IN2023-001) now permitted Holtec to conditionally transfer “unclassified small modular reactor technology” to its regional subsidiary Holtec Asia, as well as Tata Consulting Engineers Ltd, and Larsen & Toubro Ltd in India.
• The issue of getting a specific ‘10CFR810’ authorisation [Part 810 of Title 10, Code of Federal Regulations of the US Atomic Energy Act of 1954] had been a big regulatory hurdle for New Delhi.
• This is because the regulation, while giving American companies such as Holtec the ability to export equipment to countries such as India under some strict safeguards, explicitly barred them from manufacturing any nuclear equipment or performing any nuclear design work in India.
• This provision was a non-starter from New Delhi’s perspective, which wanted to participate in manufacturing the SMRs and co-produce the nuclear components for its domestic needs.
• The Union Budget 2025-26 outlines a significant push towards nuclear energy as part of India’s long-term energy transition strategy. The government has set an ambitious target of 100 GW nuclear power capacity by 2047, positioning nuclear energy as a major pillar in India’s energy mix.
• This development aligns with the broader objectives of Viksit Bharat, ensuring energy reliability and reducing dependency on fossil fuels. To achieve this goal, strategic policy interventions and infrastructure investments are being undertaken, with an emphasis on indigenous nuclear technology and public-private collaborations.
• Recognizing nuclear power as a critical component for achieving energy security and sustainability, the government has introduced the Nuclear Energy Mission for Viksit Bharat.
•  This initiative aims to enhance domestic nuclear capabilities, promote private sector participation, and accelerate the deployment of advanced nuclear technologies such as Small Modular Reactors (SMRs).
• To facilitate the implementation of the Nuclear Energy Mission, amendments to the Atomic Energy Act and Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act will be taken up by the parliament. These amendments are expected to encourage private sector investments in nuclear power projects

Suez Canal offers 15% discount to cargo ships: Will vessels return to the Red Sea route?

• The Suez Canal Authority (SCA) has announced a 15% discount on transit fees for cargo ships of at least 130,000 metric tons, effective May 15, 2025. This move aims to encourage vessels to return to the Red Sea route, which has seen a sharp decline in traffic due to security concerns.

Background & Impact

• The Red Sea security crisis, particularly Houthi rebel attacks, led many shipping companies to reroute vessels around Africa, avoiding the Suez Canal.
• This diversion increased voyage durations by 10-14 days, raised fuel costs, and pushed up freight rates.
• As a result, the Suez Canal’s revenue dropped significantly, from $10.3 billion in 2023 to around $4 billion in 2024.

Why the Discount?

• The SCA hopes to lure back major shipping lines, especially container ships, which were a key source of revenue.
• The discount applies to both loaded and empty vessels and will be valid for 90 days.
• The announcement follows a ceasefire agreement between the US and Iran-backed Houthi militia, raising hopes for safer navigation in the Red Sea.

Will Ships Return?

• While the discount is attractive, security concerns remain, as Houthi rebels have stated they will continue targeting Israeli-linked vessels.
• The Suez Canal accounts for 12-15% of global trade, making its recovery crucial for international shipping.
• Some shipping companies may wait to see if the ceasefire holds before committing to the route again.
• The Suez Canal accounts for nearly 12-15 per cent of global trade, according to IMF data. Nearly 30 per cent of global container traffic flowed through the Suez Canal before the Houthi attacks began. It is also a key passage for 8-9 per cent of global energy flows.
• As of May 11, 2025, Suez Canal’s daily transit trade volume (TTV) stood at 484,137 mt, compared with 1,349,086 mt a year ago, shows data from PortWatch, a live conflict tracker maintained by the IMF and Oxford University.
• TTV denotes the total volume of goods transported through a shipping route. Daily TTV stood at 11,052,600 mt as of May 11, 2025 at the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, compared with 1,192,116 mt a year ago, according to PortWatch data.
• While the Red Sea security crisis hit traffic and revenue for the Suez Canal, it also led to higher shipping costs as vessels go around Africa, extending voyage durations—by 10-14 days—and fuel burn significantly, leading to higher freight rates.
• The longer voyages also made vessel availability tighter, again having an inflationary impact on freight rates. And for vessels still looking to transit the Red Sea, war risk insurance premiums skyrocketed, making the route unviable for most.
• The Red Sea crisis has also hit liquefied natural gas (LNG) flows via Suez Canal which plummeted to 4.15 million tonnes in 2024 from 32.36 million tonnes in 2023 and 34.94 million tonnes in 2022 according to Kpler data. Meanwhile, LNG volumes going via the Cape of Good Hope increased by a little over five-fold from 11. 76 million tonnes in 2022 to 59.37 million tonnes in 2024.

The Northeast-Kolkata route via Myanmar, not Bangladesh

• Amid a downturn in India’s relationship with Bangladesh, the long-delayed Kaladan Multi Modal Transit Transport Project (KMMTTP) linking Mizoram to Kolkata via Myanmar has grown in importance.
• The Ministry of Road Transport and Highways (MoRTH) has now okayed a 166.8-km four-lane highway from Shillong to Silchar, which will eventually be extended to Zorinpui, Mizoram, and connect the KMMTTP with a high-speed road corridor that runs through the heart of the Northeast.
• “With the help of the Kaladan project, cargo will reach from Vizag and Kolkata to the Northeast, without being dependent on Bangladesh,” a senior official from National Highways & Infrastructure Development Corporation Limited (NHIDCL) .
• Ties between New Delhi and Dhaka have taken a nosedive since the ouster of former Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, an all-weather ally to India, last August.
• The MoRTH sanctioned the Shillong-Silchar highway about a month after Muhammad Yunus, the head of Bangladesh’s interim government, called Northeast India “landlocked”, and referred to Bangladesh as the “only guardian of the ocean” during a visit to China.
• Currently, rest of India’s only access to the seven Northeastern states is through the narrow Siliguri Corridor, which goes by the apt moniker of “Chicken’s Neck”. Straddled between Nepal and Bangladesh, and only 20 km at its narrowest, this corridor has long posed an economic and a strategic challenge to New Delhi — one that has prompted some experts to call it “an Achilles heel for India”.
• Over the last decade-and-a-half, an important element of New Delhi’s engagement with the Hasina government in Dhaka was to open pathways to the Northeast via Bangladesh — as would have been the case pre-Partition. (Note that Agartala, the capital of Tripura, lies less than 200 km from the port of Chattogram in Bangladesh.)
• This, experts argue, would boost economic activity across the Northeast as well as in Bangladesh. But with a new, seemingly “anti-India” dispensation in place in Dhaka, these plans have fallen by the wayside, prompting India to “Look [further] East”.

Do You Know:

• After feasibility studies were conducted in the late 1990s and early 2000s, the KMMTTP framework was signed by India and Myanmar in 2008. This was set to be a major development in India’s strategically vital Look East Policy. (Act East Policy under the Narendra Modi
  government).
• The idea behind the project was straightforward. To create a transit corridor from the port of Sittwe in the Rakhine State in Myanmar to Mizoram, and eventually the rest of Northeast India. This would allow goods to be shipped from India’s eastern ports — primarily Kolkata — to Sittwe and then taken to Mizoram and beyond.
• Upon completion, the KMMTTP would effectively shave off 1,000 km in distance between Kolkata and Mizoram, and save a journey time of three-to-four days.
• As the term “multi-modal” suggests, the project combines several modes of transport.
• Kolkata to Sittwe: This 539 km stretch between the two seaports will be covered by ship via the Bay of Bengal. Although this route has technically been operational for decades, India has invested significant resources to upgrade the Sittwe port to increase its capacity. This part of the project has been completed.
• Sittwe to Paletwa: This 158 km stretch on the Kaladan river in Myanmar will be covered by boat. The MEA has invested in dredging the river, and constructing requisite jetty facilities at Paletwa to handle 300-tonne barges. The river is navigable and all work has bee completed on this part of the project
• Paletwa to Zorinpui: This 108 km four-lane road will be the last leg of the corridor in Myanmar. Myanmar has granted all approvals for this part of the project, and the Integrated Customs & Immigration Checkpost at Zochawchhuah-Zorinpui has been operational since 2017. But the last 50-odd-km of this highway (from Kaletwa, Myanmar to Zorinpui) is yet to be completed.
• Zorinpui to Aizwal & beyond: While Zorinpui is connected to Aizwal and the rest of the Northeast by road, the NHIDCL plans to eventually extend the high-speed corridor from Shillong all the way to the border town.

A great ambassador for science: Jayant Narlikar’s efforts to popularise science in India

Jayant V Narlikar did more than perhaps any other scientist to take science to the masses. He acted out of a deep conviction of its necessity, and of a lifetime of seeing the benefits of a scientific education and temper

Bharat Darshan: taking science to the masses

• To popularise science in the country, Narlikar took part in a “Bharat Darshan” tour in February-March 1965. The tour, organised by the Indian Council of Cultural Relations (ICCR), covered Delhi, Ahmedabad, Bombay, Hyderabad, Bangalore, Madras, Calcutta, Banaras and Agra.
• The tour was a great success, and Narlikar met with President S Radhakrishnan, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri, and Education Minister M C Chagla.
• After the Bharat Darshan tour concluded, Narlikar went on a private visit to Pune, during which he visited the famous Singhagad fort accompanied by the Pune District Collector and local dignitaries. By then, Narlikar’s popularity had grown so much that local villagers requested that his car be briefly stopped so that they could catch a glimpse of the brilliant scholar, whom they described as a modern-day Sant Dnyaneshwar.
• Narlikar recounted that he was touched and humbled by these sentiments, a true appreciation of his idea of taking science to people.
• Narlikar was a star, with students and parents patiently waiting to get a photo clicked with him. Even during the Covid-19 pandemic, when the Science Day celebrations went online, Jayant Narlikar and his wife Mangala continued to be part of the celebrations. Mangala read out the questions, and Jayant engaged online with students for about an hour.
• IUCAA’s science popularisation today has borne fruit from the seed that Narlikar had sown three decades ago
• He returned to India to join the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research (1972-1989), where, under his charge, the Theoretical Astrophysics Group expanded and acquired international standing. 
• In 1988, the University Grants Commission invited Narlikar to set up the Inter-University Centre for Astronomy and Astrophysics (IUCAA) in Pune as its founder-director. 
• He held the directorship of IUCAA until his retirement in 2003. 
• Under his direction, IUCAA has acquired a worldwide reputation as a centre for excellence in teaching and research in astronomy and astrophysics. 
• He was an Emeritus Professor at IUCAA. 
• Besides his scientific research, Narlikar was well-known as a science communicator through his books, articles, and radio/TV programmes.
• Narlikar was awarded Padma Bhushan in 1965 at the age of 26.
• In 2004, he was awarded Padma Vibhushan, and the Maharashtra government honoured him with the state''s highest civilian award, Maharashtra Bhushan, in 2011. 
• In 2014, the Sahitya Akademi, the premiere literary body in India, selected his autobiography — Vidnyanvishwatil Vedhak Ani Vechak — for its highest prize in regional language (Marathi) writing. 

What is the 1991 K. Veeraswami judgment all about? | Explained

• The story so far: Vice President Jagdeep Dhankar on Monday (May 19, 2025) opined the time has come for revisiting a 1991 judgment delivered by the Supreme Court in K. Veeraswami versus Union of India. Insisting upon registration of a First Information Report (FIR) regarding the Delhi cash on fire incident at the residence of High Court judge Yashwant Varma on March 17, 2025; the Vice President said, the 1991 judgment was the genesis of the problem of corruption in the higher judiciary and it was a “judicial legerdemain.”
• The story so far: Vice President Jagdeep Dhankar on Monday (May 19, 2025) opined the time has come for revisiting a 1991 judgment delivered by the Supreme Court in K. Veeraswami versus Union of India. Insisting upon registration of a First Information Report (FIR) regarding the Delhi cash on fire incident at the residence of High Court judge Yashwant Varma on March 17, 2025; the Vice President said, the 1991 judgment was the genesis of the problem of corruption in the higher judiciary and it was a “judicial legerdemain.”

Who was K. Veeraswami?

• Kuppuswami Naidu Veeraswami had commenced his legal practice by joining the Madras Bar in 1941. He was appointed as Assistant Government Pleader in 1953 and Government Pleader in 1959.
• He held the post till his elevation as a permanent judge of the Madras High Court in February 1960. On May 1, 1969, he had become the Chief Justice of the High Court and on February 24, 1976, the Central Bureau of Investigation registered a First Information Report (FIR) against him for the offences under the Prevention of Corruption (PC) Act of 1947
• The charge against him was that he had acquired assets worth ₹6.41 lakh disproportionate to his known sources of income not only in his name but also that of his wife Eluthai Ammal and sons V. Suresh and V. Bhaskar between May 1, 1969 and February 24, 1976. A copy of the FIR was filed before a special court for CBI cases in Chennai on February 28, 1976.
• On coming to know of these developments, the then Chief Justice proceeded on leave from March 9, 1976 and retired from service on attaining the age of superannuation on April 8, 1976. The CBI, however, proceeded with the investigation into the PC Act case and filed a charge sheet before the special court on December 15, 1977.

How did the case reach the Supreme Court?

• After the special court took cognisance of the charge sheet and issued summons, the former Chief Justice filed a petition in the Madras High Court in 1978 to quash the criminal proceedings initiated against him. He contended the prosecution was wholly unconstitutional, without jurisdiction, illegal and void. His plea was heard by a Full Bench (comprising three judges) of the Madras High Court and dismissed by a majority decision of 2:1
• On April 27, 1979 Justices S. Natarajan and S. Mohan refused to quash the criminal case. They held there was no necessity for the CBI to obtain sanction for prosecution from a competent authority, as required under Section 6 the PC Act, since Veeraswami had demitted office and was not a Chief Justice on the day when the charge sheet was filed.
• However, Justice V. Balasubramaniam, the third judge, took a contrary view and quashed the criminal proceedings on the ground that the CBI had failed to call upon the former Chief Justice to account for the disproportionate assets and then record a finding as to whether his explanation was satisfactory or not and the reasons thereof.
• The Full Bench, thereafter, granted a certificate of appeal to the Supreme Court in view of the importance of the constitutional questions involved in the case. The 1979 appeal was heard and dismissed by a five-judge Bench of the top court on July 25, 1991 with a 4:1 majority. While Justices K.J. Shetty, B.C. Ray, L.M. Sharma and M.N. Venkatachaliah held that the PC Act would be applicable to the judges of the higher judiciary too, Justice J.S. Verma alone dissented.

What did the Supreme Court rule?

• Senior counsel Kapil Sibal had appeared for Veeraswami before the Supreme Court and argued that the PC Act would not be applicable to the judges of the higher judiciary since sanction to prosecute was a mandatory requirement under the Act and there was no single authority who could grant such sanction in the case of High Court or Supreme Court judges.
•  He contended the President could not be regarded as the sanctioning authority since he/she acts upon the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers and therefore, there was every chance of the executive interfering with the independence of the judiciary.
• On the other hand, the then Solicitor General A.D. Giri and Additional Solicitor General K.T.S. Tulsi defended the invocation of the PC Act against Mr. Veeraswami and said, the top court could lay down guidelines with respect to issues related to obtaining sanction.
•  After hearing them; Justices Shetty, Ray, Sharma and Venkatachaliah had held that a judge of the Supreme Court as well as the High Courts would squarely fall under the definition of ‘public servant’ under the PC Act and that prosecution could be lodged against them after obtaining sanction.
• Justices Shetty, Ray and Venkatachaliah also held that the President would be authority competent to accord sanction for prosecution of a judge but ruled that no criminal case should be registered against a Chief Justice/Judge of a High Court or a judge of the Supreme Court without consulting the Chief Justice of India.
• If the Chief Justice of India himself was the person against whom allegations of criminal misconduct had been made, then the consultation must be carried out with other judges of the Supreme Court. The three judges, further, ordered that a similar consultation must be held at the stage of examining the question of grant of sanction for prosecution and that the decision on granting sanction should be in accordance with the advice of the Chief Justice of India.
• Though Justice Sharma concurred with the other three judges on the issue of applicability of the PC Act to judges of the higher judiciary, he held that the question as to who should be the sanctioning authority need not be answered in Veeraswami’s case since he had retired from service before the filing of the charge sheet and his case did not require any sanction for prosecution.
• Justice Verma, in his minority view, disagreed entirely with the other four judges and said the judges of the higher judiciary would fall outside the purview of the PC Act and it would be completely inapplicable to them. Observing that the Parliament may have to enact a new legislation for dealing with corruption among those holding high Constitutional posts, he said: “Any attempt to bring the judges of the High Courts and the Supreme Court within the purview of the Prevention of Corruption Act by a seemingly constructional exercise of the enactment, appears to me, in all humility, an exercise to fit a square peg in a round hole when the two were never intended to match.”

Revisiting the gold foil letter that established trade links between Thanjavur and Denmark

• When someone utters East India Company, you might quickly assume it to be British, but here’s a story of two unlikely heroes — one from Thanjavur in South India and the other from Denmark, a medieval European kingdom. They were separated by vast oceans, but with a bit of fate, their lives intertwined 400 years ago in 1616 CE.
• The first protagonist Christian IV of Denmark was exploring ways to boost his kingdom’s economy. Other European powers such as the Portuguese, Dutch and British had a thriving sea trade with India and Sri Lanka, particularly for black pepper.
• Wanting a share of this market, he  established the Danish East India Company. Citizens and nobles invested, and five huge ships were outfitted for a voyage in search of great wealth to Sri Lanka, where the Danes hoped to establish a trading post, based on a promised treaty with a Sri Lankan king. 
• The second protagonist was Raghunatha Nayak, who was ruling Thanjavur. His reign was marked by architectural achievements and careful political strategy. Wary of the increasing dominance of the Portuguese, who were trading heavily from Nagapattinam, and seeking to boost his kingdom’s economy while limiting Portuguese control, he looked out for other trade partners.
• Now, who would string together the stories of the protagonists, who are on two ends of the world?
• Captain Roland Crappé, the trade director of the newly-formed Danish East India Company. He was aboard the first Danish ship, the Øresund, and was ahead of the other four ships, after a gruelling 18-month sea journey, circumventing Africa.
•  But, in the waters between India and Sri Lanka, Crappé captured a few Portuguese vessels, prompting a violent retaliation. The Portuguese navy wrecked the Øresund, and hung most of its crew. Captain Crappé, along with 12 survivors, escaped thanks to a local fisherman. And, landed in Thanjavur, where Crappé ended up meeting Raghunatha Nayak.
• The King saw a unique opportunity — why not allow the Danes to trade with his kingdom too?
• He not only agreed to Crappé’s request for possible trade, he also formally granted the Danes permission to build a fort and establish a trading post in a port called Tharangambadi (later renamed Tranquebar by the Danes), near Thanjavur. As a diplomatic gesture, Raghunatha Nayak wrote a letter in ancient Tamil script on gold foil addressed to King Christian IV, inviting him to conduct trade in the port of Tharangambadi, and sent it along with gifts. 
• Meanwhile, the other four Danish ships, led by Commander Ove Giedde, stayed on course and reached Sri Lanka. But, the Portuguese had already signed an exclusive trade agreement with  the King. The crushed Danes also get to hear about the fate of the Øresund.
•  Their massive investment and the long journey seem to be for nothing. But, a message from Captain Crappé cheer them up. “The Tanjore King has agreed to trade with us. Make your way here soon.” Commander Giedde immediately travelled to Thanjavur.
• Soon, construction of a fortress named Dansborg began, and fortification walls were built around Tranquebar. From this base, the Danes exchanged goods across the world, engaged in trade and lived for over 200 years, until the trading post was sold to the British in 1845 CE.
• This relationship also left a legacy of historical sites and treasured artefacts, out of which the golden foil and the treaty are still preserved like the royal treasure it is in Copenhagen, the capital of Denmark.

How high-yielding seeds became symbols of modernity during Green Revolution

• Even after accounting for all the ecological, political and economic criticisms against the green revolution, the role of the movement in dramatically increasing food production in India cannot be contested.
• The State achieved this by relying on modern agricultural practices and weaving into it development narratives, institutional structures and public participation, says science historian Abhinav Tyagi.
• “During the green revolution, the State positioned itself as the custodian and distributor of scientific progress,” says Tyagi, a former research fellow at NCBS Archives, during his talk on “Revisiting the Green Revolution: Statecraft of cultivating modernity,” where he spoke about the role of statecraft in shaping the agricultural landscape of the country
• Even after accounting for all the ecological, political and economic criticisms against the green revolution, the role of the movement in dramatically increasing food production in India cannot be contested. The State achieved this by relying on modern agricultural practices and weaving into it development narratives, institutional structures and public participation, says science historian Abhinav Tyagi.
• “During the green revolution, the State positioned itself as the custodian and distributor of scientific progress,” says Tyagi, a former research fellow at NCBS Archives, during his talk on “Revisiting the Green Revolution: Statecraft of cultivating modernity,” where he spoke about the role of statecraft in shaping the agricultural landscape of the country.

The global food crisis 

• World War II witnessed hunger- or famine-related deaths matching or outnumbering fatalities during military operations. It is estimated that 25 million people outside Europe died of hunger or hunger-related ailments. Blockades and prioritisation of military over civilians for allocation food resulted in several millions suffering, particularly in occupied regions and colonies.  
• ‘“Grow more food’ campaign was sort of an international movement launched in various parts of the world as a response to this global food crisis,” says Tyagi.
• “In Britain the campaign tried to blend the nationalist and agrarian image together, a different version of ‘Jai Jawan Jai Kisan.’ The mass campaign urged civilians to create kitchen gardens in whatever spaces available to them or make the playgrounds into vegetable plots.” 

The Bengal famine 

• In India the crisis was exacerbated by Japanese occupation of Burma which cut off rice supplies and natural disasters such as the cyclone in 1942 which emerged from the Bay of Bengal and hit the West Bengal-Odisha border causing around 61,000 casualties. The Bengal famine was one of the most devastating with the death toll estimated around 2-3 million casualties.
• “Starvation was the main reason for the death. Malaria and lack of health support were identified as other reasons,” Tyagi notes. 
• “Development economists like Amartya Sen identified that the British war-related policies, which took food from Bengal and supplied it into the war and used it to mitigate some of the food challenges in Britain, were another major reason for the Bengal famines. After the global embarrassment for the famines, in a jiffy British government launched the ‘Grow more food’ campaign in India in 1943.” 

The relaunch 

• In 1947, post-Independence, the Indian government decided to continue the campaign, to extent area under cultivation through land reclamation operations, to supply improvised seeds, to provide manures and fertilizers, and to construct and promote minor works, wells and tanks. The government disbursed small loans and supplied seeds.
• However, in the absence of regulatory mechanisms, the efforts to expand cultivable land resulted in massive deforestation.
• A 1952 report of the Grow More Food committee also highlighted methodological flaws in the campaign in the assessment of the yield.
• “The targets as well as chievements thus indicate what may be called the “production potential” and not the actual increase in production,” reads the report.

Precursor to green revolution

• “To rectify these issues, a committee of agricultural statisticians was formed to oversee the survey design, evaluate the findings, and recommend new methodological refinements of assessment of the yield,” says Tyagi.
• “They stressed the importance of supervised experiments alongside farmer-reported data to ensure reliability.” 
• Under the new paradigm, the field staff started collecting data from farmers who were given the aids and conducting crop cutting experiments to estimate and compare the yield of crops. The findings showed that while seeds gave desirable results, fertilisers did not perform to the expected levels. 
• Tyagi notes that this was the first time there was a shift towards field-based and evidence-based evaluation of the agricultural programme in independent India.
• “It functioned as a methodological precursor to green revolution methodologies in 1960s. By incorporating modern planning with agricultural statistics, the Grow more food campaign was laying the ground for green revolution statecraft.” 
• According to him, it exhibited tendencies of technocratic statecraft which reflected early post-colonial India’s aspiration to govern agriculture through modern science and agricultural statistics. It also limited centralised planning, which was seen previously, he says.

Challenges persist

• While modern planning helped improve the governance structure, challenges still persisted in terms of achieving high yield. On of the major reasons was the susceptibility of tradition Indian varieties to bacterial and fungal infection.
• Black rust, brown rust and yellow rust was commonly seen in the indigenous varieties. Tyagi highlights how Bihar witnessed famine in 1956-57 caused by yellow rust epidemic.
• Yet another issue was the physiological problems of the indigenous varieties.
• “Indigenous varieties are tall and top heavy especially when grain heads become large due to fertilization. They can take the heights up to 1.2 meter to 1.4 meter. During high input scenarios, the crops become top heavy and in windy conditions are susceptible to mechanical collapse,” Tyagi explains.

International collaborations

• Without a breakthrough in this direction, India sought international collaborations for crop breeding programs. For the U.S., in the context of Cold War geopolitics, this was an opportunity. 
• In 1957, Dr. Ralph W. Cummings, then field director of the Rockefeller Foundation, set up the All India Coordinated Maize Improvement Scheme (AICMIS) in India and suggested that agriculture should see a multidisciplinary approach.
• “In this manner, the Rockefeller Foundation became a site for policy recommendation, knowledge transfer and cold war geopolitics. They recommended that there should be a restructuring of ICAR, and started supplying textbooks, disbursing fellowships, farm material, laboratory equipment,” says Tyagi. 

The breakthrough

• The breakthrough came in 1962. 
• That year, M.S. Swaminathan wrote to the Indian Agricultural Research Institute director B. Pal pointing out Norman Borlaug’s success with semi-dwarf wheat in Mexico. Rockefeller foundation had funded the programme. The Indian government made a request to the foundation for the supply of the dwarf variety and Boralug’s expertise. Following Borlaug’s visit to India in 1963, 100kgs of semi-dwarf and dwarf seeds landed in India.
• “In 1964, at 55 locations all over India, Lerma Rojo and Sonora 64, supplied by CIMMYT Mexico were tested. Around 4 tons of yield per day was recorded. These dwarf varieties were further subjected for methodological, physiological, agronomic and quality assessments,” says Tyagi, noting that Lerma Rojo was used extensively in the early years of the green revolution till 1969.
• “Sharbati sonora was the first commercially successful hybrid wheat variety in India used in the later part of the green revolution.” 
• Citing an unpublished article written by M.S. Swaminathan and titled ‘Punjab Miracle’, Tyagi points to the excitement the exceptionally high yield created among agricultural scientists and researchers then.

Demonstrating success

• One of the key components of the Green Revolution movement was the National Demonstration Programme (NDP) conceived to showcase the potential of the new agricultural technologies to farmers.
• One such demonstratuon was held in Delhi in 1967, where, Tyagi says, almost 2000 acres of land was brought under the high yielding methods. 
• “Five high yielding varieties were tested for fertilizer response and other improved management processes. By adopting chemical fertilizer, there was a departure from the traditional low input farming to more agrochemical ways of green revolution. They demonstrated to farmers ways to use fertilizers and crop protection techniques, This became a major site to persuade farmers to partake in the green revolution.” 

Symbol of modernity 

• During the process, high yield seeds essentially became symbols of modernity and modern farming. 
• According to Tyagi, the Indian State, in the process of domesticating the high yield variety of seeds, decided to adopt agriculture modernisation and seeds, irrigation and fertilisers became co-tools developmental governance.
• “The State positioned itself as custodian and distributor of scientific progress. Seeds became material extensions giving state developmental legitimacy. In the process of successful adaptation of dwarf varieties, the State made massive investment in developing infrastructure for seed multiplication stations, new irrigation facilities, creation of subsidies for seeds and fertilisers and extending these services across country for demonstration.” 
• Tyagi also notes how policies around MSP and input subsidies shaped farmer behaviour to align with state objectives. 
• “The State brought regulation for certification and distribution of the seeds, which created a formal structure for seed distribution and further marginalized the informal indigenous seed distribution practices. The policy of input subsidies and subsidies on the seeds and fertilizer coerced the farmers to take part in the green revolution. Through price control, the State also controlled the output,” he says.
• “In that sense the state created a controlled economy where the state is both a planner as well as the marketer. Through green revolution, it averted major famines that bolstered state’s legitimacy. Seeds thus became political instruments. Once linked with cold war geopolitics, they were now linked to national pride, food security and sovereignty.”